Luke’s story, for kids

I learned “the Christmas story” the same way you did.  Unlearning “it” has been one of the great delights of my adult life.  In unlearning “it,” I was free to learn “them,” and that has been very satisfying.

“Them” are the narratives of the birth of Jesus provided by our only two sources of information, the gospels written by Matthew and by Luke.  In this post, I’m going to say how I learned about the two birth narratives.  Then I’ll offer a sample of one place—of the two—I have wound up.

Raymond E. Brown was one of the best known and most respected biblical scholars of his era.  He died at the age of 70 in 1998.  The book that introduced me to this topic was his The Birth of the Messiah in 1977.  For a book that has two sources, it is very sensibly divided between Matthew’s account—the first half of the book—and Luke’s account.  For twenty years or so, I have been reading one of those halves each year at Advent and ignoring, as nearly as I was able, the other half.

Those twenty years or so have allowed me to get comfortable in each of the stories and to enjoy the integrity of each narrative.  Integrity is not something you will find in “the Christmas story,” which is a head-spinning combination of the two stories.  It has given me a gift that is not often found in people my age: I really like the birth narratives.  They aren’t sentimental mush to me.  They are two rich artistic reconstructions of the kind of birth Jesus must have had to be the Messiah as Matthew sees him or the Messiah as Luke sees him.

So you could do it the way I did it.  It is twenty or thirty years, but…you know…it’s just for the season of Advent.  You would still have the rest of the year.  Or, alternatively, you could read the story that makes up most of the rest of this post.

Last year, when I was reading and thinking about the narrative Matthew tells, I wrote a version of it for the only grandchildren I have who are still young enough (none are yet old enough) to appreciate it.  Try this sometime with a story that matters to you.  Try to write it so that it could be understood by a beginning reader.  One of the first things you learn is that there are a lot of questions about the story that you, yourself, have never asked.  And, of course, you don’t know the answers.

This year, I’ve been reading and thinking about Luke’s account.  Here’s what I wrote.  Then, below, I’ll tell you about three problems that I wasn’t able to solve this year.  My next chance at it will be in 2014.  Maybe I’ll get it right then.  If not, there’s always 2016.

 Luke for Kids: 2012

This is the story of how God provided Jesus with two invaluable gifts: a mother and a teacher.  The mother’s name was Mary.  She was a young woman who lived in Nazareth.  The teacher’s name was John.  As you will see, Jesus was born according to the plan God had laid out. The planning was very careful and there was only one tiny mistake.

John would be Jesus’s cousin and nearly a year older than Jesus, so let’s start with his story.  John’s father Zechariah was a priest and one day, as he was in the temple in Jerusalem, the angel Gabriel appeared to him and told him that his wife, Elizabeth, was going to have a baby.   Elizabeth had wanted a baby all her life, but she had never been able to have one and was now an old woman.  Or, as Zechariah said to Gabriel, she was “getting on in years.”

Zechariah knew how happy Elizabeth would be about this, but he had trouble understanding how it could happen for people as old as he and Elizabeth.  Gabriel said that Zechariah should have been willing to trust God’s message to him and because he doubted, he would not be able to hear or to speak until the child was born.  But the child would be born anyway, just as God had promised.

And he was.  Zechariah and Elizabeth were both so happy and all the neighbors and family came to their house to celebrate the wonderful event.  It wasn’t so hard to believe any more, now that it had happened. Everyone assumed that the little boy would be named Zechariah, after his father,[1] but Elizabeth insisted that he was to be named John.  “John?” they said.  So they signed to Zechariah, who, you remember, could still not hear or speak, and he wrote down on a pad, “His name is John.”  So years later, when Jesus met him, his name was John and he was famous and people called him John the Baptist because he baptized people in the river Jordan.

After the angel Gabriel appeared to Zechariah in Jerusalem, he came to Mary at her parents’ home in Nazareth.  He told Mary that she was going to have a little boy as a special gift from God.  Mary was to name the boy Jesus and that Jesus would do God’s work in a wonderful way when he grew up.  When Elizabeth learned from Zechariah that she was going to have a baby, she was very happy, you remember.  But Elizabeth was an old woman who had always wanted a baby.  Mary was a very young woman who was not married and who had not even begun to think about having a baby.  She loved her fiancé, Joseph, but they had never lived together the way they would after they were married.

So she asked Gabriel the same question Zechariah had asked, “How could this happen?”  Gabriel said it would be a special gift from God and that she should trust God about how and when it would happen.  Mary thought about how complicated it would be to have a baby before she and Joseph were married, but she trusted God to have a plan.

But the next step in God’s careful plan was not to happen in Nazareth, where she lived.  After Gabriel’s announcement, Augustus the ruler of the Roman Empire, which included Nazareth and Jerusalem and the rest of Israel, had an announcement of his own.  He wanted to get a count of how many people there were in the empire and all the Jewish people were supposed to go to the town where their ancestors had lived.  Joseph’s family came from Bethlehem, way down south near Jerusalem, so he and Mary went to Bethlehem to be registered in the census.

While they were there, it was time for the baby to be born and this is where a really odd thing happened.  Do you remember how the whole story of John and his parents and Jesus and his parents showed such careful planning and everything went just according to plan?  Well, when Joseph and Mary got to Bethlehem, it turned out that nobody had made a reservation for them at the inn and they had to spend the night in the stable with the animals and that is where Jesus was born.  Of course, they didn’t have a bed either, out there in the stable, but they put him in the animals’ feed trough and he looked very comfortable there.

Not long afterward, some shepherds from the nearby hills showed up and asked to see shepherds at bethlehemthe baby.  Joseph and Mary were surprised to see the shepherds.  They didn’t understand how anyone else would know about the baby Jesus.  But it turned out that the shepherds had an amazing story to tell.  They were out in the fields, they said, protecting their sheep from harm when suddenly an angel was standing there with them and a bright light shone all around them.  They were scared of course, but the angel said there was nothing to be afraid of. 

He had wonderful news for them, he said.  A baby had been born down in Bethlehem and this baby would be the Messiah and would grow up to be the one to save Israel.  They could tell which baby it was, the angel said, because he would be in a stable, sound asleep in a feed trough. 

And then the whole sky filled up with angels, singing “Glory to God in heaven and peace on earth to everyone who bears God’s blessing.”  That’s when the shepherds decided they just had to go to Bethlehem and see.  And they found the baby and saw for themselves what the angel had said.  Then they left to go back to the sheep and on their way back, they told everyone who would listen about the little baby who would grow up and save Israel.

Before they went back up to Nazareth, Joseph and Mary took the baby to the temple in Jerusalem.  There, they made an old man very happy.  The old man’s name was Simeon and God had promised him that before he died, he would get to see with his own eyes the Messiah that God had promised.  Simeon had waited many years for God to fulfill the promise, but when he saw Jesus, he knew that his long wait was over.  He took the baby in his arms and prayed, “Thank you, God, for showing me the baby who will rescue Israel.  Now at last I can die happy and at peace.”

After this, Joseph and Mary went back to Nazareth where Jesus grew up.  As a young man, Jesus wanted very much to know what special work God had for him to do.  He even went to the temple once and stayed there for a while, talking with the priests and listening to them.  Then one day, he heard that his cousin John was baptizing people in the Jordan River, telling them to give up their sins and open their minds to what God wanted them to be.  People wondered if John might be the Messiah, but John knew he was not.  He thought about his cousin, Jesus, and he said to the crowds, “I am baptizing you with water, but there is one coming, very soon, who is more powerful than I am.”

Jesus baptized 2This is when Jesus, whose ministry was not clear to him yet, really needed a teacher and he chose his cousin John.  Jesus became a part of John’s ministry and listened to what he told the people.  Then one day, God chose Jesus out from the whole crowd of John’s followers and said to him, “You are my true son.  It is time for you to begin your own ministry.”  John, his teacher, watched him go and was very proud, as teachers are sometimes.

So there’s my best shot for 2012.  Here are the three concerns I still have, this being an account for children to think about.

1.         I have overdone the reliance of Jesus on John’s ministry.  I was driven to it by my designation of John as a “teacher” of Jesus and I was driven to that by Luke’s choice to commit nearly all of the first chapter to the birth of John.  I have chosen a historical solution to a problem that is really only a narrative problem.  The historical problem, however, is Luke’s and the narrative problem is mine, so I’m choosing to solve my problem.

2.         The heavenly host celebrate peace on earth of “all who bear God’s blessing.”  There are some exegetical problems with that phrasing, but I’m OK with what I’ve done with them.  As I phrase it as a story for children, I have to find a way to deal with this new translation—a blessing the kids are likely to see as quite exclusive—especially if they have heard “Peace on earth, good will to men.”  I skipped over Simeon’s observation that the baby he was holding in his arms would cause the fall of many in Israel.  I thought I could do without it.  But here is that same problem with the angels and I don’t think I can do without them.

3.         Simeon appears to have exceeded his “best deceased by” date.  He is eager for death, as I read it, although he is even more eager to see the Lord’s promised messiah.  I wonder how to put his eagerness (“….at last, I can die…”) for the kids.  I muffled it a little bit with the cliché “die happy” but the rest of it sits there.

I have two more years to think about this.  Sage advice would be appreciated.


[1] The father had been named Zechariah some years earlier.

Posted in Biblical Studies, Living My Life | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

Hark, the Herald Angels Sang (in traditional barbershop harmonies)

You don’t have to read much of Tanya Luhrmann to feel like a fan.  Today’s editorial in the New York Times ought to be enough.  If this tickles your appetite and you like more academic prose, which she also does well, I recommend “A Hyper-real God and Modern Belief” in the journal Current Anthropology in August of this year.

Luhrmann is an anthropologist at Stanford.  She studies evangelicals the way the first generation of anthropologists studied Polynesians.  She is not an advocate; she describes.  But she describes things that ought not be there.  That is troublesome.  And when the question arises of whether “it” is “really” there or not, she asks you to enter into the mindset of the people who claim to experience “it” and ask the question that way.

As an anthropologist, she is inclined to talk to “informants.”  One such is “a man from Horizon Christian Fellowship” in San Diego.  “The Bible is a love story,” he told her, “and it is written to me.”  Wow.  Another such is Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary.  “My first concern,” Mohler told her on his radio show, “is not with the God we are looking for, but the God who is.”  Luhrmann says his practical concern is that “imagination drifts quickly away” from what [what he would call] the truth.  And there it is.  The man from Horizon Christian Fellowship or the man from the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary?

That is the dilemma, she says, of Christianity in the modern West.

Which position you take depends on whether you are more worried about heresy or atheism. The pope and Albert Mohler are concerned that Christians get God right. They fear that congregants in these experientially oriented churches will imagine God in a way that inadvertently violates Scripture and leads them astray (God might become wholly loving, for example, and not at all judgmental).

Are we more in danger of heresy or atheism?  Actually, that isn’t the way I would put it.  Atheism is a commitment to the notion that God does not exist.  I think the other pole—the non-heretical pole—is that the question of God and of being a part of what God is doing in the world becomes a kind coffeehouse debate.  Everyone is “tolerant” because no one really believes that any one of them is more nearly righI like Godt than any other and, in fact, the notion of “being right” about things like that violates the spirit of the game.  It is this idle recreational treatment of God that I think is the true alternative to the God of everyday intention and sensation and emotional chumminess.  I’m sure there is a website somewhere where visitors are asked to “like” God.

 On the other hand:  “Richly described settings — Narnia, Middle-earth, Hogwarts — become places that people can imagine on their own.”  Yes they do.  And Earth Sea and Star Trek and the Game of Thrones.  There is no clear end to our ability to invest in “fictional” or “nearly fictional” realities, provided that we have made them.  Realities that have made us, on the other hand, can scarcely be trusted.

I am inclined to resist this dilemma.  As Phaedrus says in Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance, you don’t have to choose the left horn of the dilemma or the right horn.  You can try to distract the bull—the practical and immediate bearer of the “horns” of the dilemma—or you can throw dirt in his eyes and head for the exit.  I think it is really possible care deeply about the biblical texts and to refuse to ask them questions that are not a part of their authors’ worlds. 

This is deeply anthropological, so Luhrmann ought to like it.  You can ask about Luke or the Deuteronomic school or the Pauline school, “How did they see the world?  Within the meanings they could possibly have had in mind, which of them gives the best guide to what a text really means?”  And you can refuse to ask of them questions that arise in your world but that have no place in theirs.

Luhrmann wants us to adopt the anthropology of Robin Horton on what is real.

He [Horton] was saying that it was a theory and that the correct question to ask about such seemingly strange ideas as water spirits was not whether they were sensible in the abstract but how and why they were used.

Those are the questions we might as of the Deuteronomist .  When you described God as saying, “I will put my law in their minds and write it on their hearts…” what kind of law and what kinds of hearts and what kind of “writing” did you have in mind?

 Now the Pope maintains, according to Luhrmann, that Roman Catholics should not be distracted from the gospel accounts we have—neither to the right (popular myth) nor to the left (historical scholarship).  But for some modern Christians, the historical scholarship is the way we can get inside the worlds inhabited by the authors of scripture.  This gives us a chance to ask the kinds of questions Horton is asking, not, in other words, “Did Jesus really walk on the water?” but, “What is Luke trying to tell us by passing that story along?”  Luke does not want to consider the possibility that the water was particularly dense at that particular place on the lake.  It’s of no interest to him.  We should ask him the questions that belong in his world and therefore in his account.

It is in my hope for biblical scholarship that I differ from the Pope’s remarks and that’s really closer to the Pope than an Anabaptist boy should be.  And it is that third way—inhabiting the world of your informants, as Luhrmann does—that is my hope of escaping the dilemma Luhrmann offers us.

 

Posted in Biblical Studies, Theology | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

I’m sorry. I didn’t mean to be unclear.

It is not quite fair to either Horace Greeley or to Abraham Lincoln to characterize them the way I am about to.  Lincoln won’t mind, I am sure.  And despite Mark Twain’s caution that one should not pick a fight with anyone who buys his ink by the barrel, I will take my chances with Greeley and his New York Tribune.

I mean no disrespect to Greeley by referring to him as a zealot, nor to Lincoln by referring to him as an agent.  Zealots have a lot of…um…zeal.  Greeley was an abolitionist, a worthy cause certainly, and that is just about all that mattered to him as a public man.  The things that moved in the direction of abolishing slavery were good and the things that did not move in that direction were bad.

English gets the word zealot from the Greek lōtēs and zeal is “intense enthusiasm, as in working for a cause.”  I know the etymology of a word is not its meaning, but I am amazed at how often it makes the understanding of a word richer.  English gets agent from the Latin agens, the participial form of the verb agere, “to act.”  An agent is one who acts.

You can see that this distinction really doesn’t separate them much.  Greeley also horace greeleyacted—he published a newspaper—and Lincoln was also enthusiastic in working for a cause.  But Lincoln was a public servant.  That’s what I want to emphasize.  Yes, he was president of the United States, but public servants at all levels need to act in the way Lincoln acted.

If, after all, only one thing is right, all we need to know about a public servant is whether he or she has the backbone to do what is right, or, as Greeley says in his editorial:

We require of you, as the first servant of the Republic, charged especially and preeminently with this duty, that you EXECUTE THE LAWS (caps in the original).

Actually, Greeley had one law in particular in mind and that’s a condition you often run into in zealots.  Lincoln was not doing all that the second Confiscation Act authorized him to do and if he had done everything the act authorized him to do, more slaves would immediately have been freed.  And Lincoln would very likely have lost the support of the border states for the forthcoming drama of the reconstruction of the union.  Lincoln was “… unduly influenced by the counsels, the representations, the menaces, of certain fossil politicians hailing from the Border Slave States,” according to Greeley.

Lincoln had in mind the successful performance of quite a few actions at the samea lincoln time.  Some could be done immediately and others would have to be done over the long haul with the cooperation of men who would need to be cajoled, courted, and/or threatened.  It is his attention to all the things that causes me to assign the label “agent” to him.

So the conflict between Greeley and Lincoln is just one of many such conflicts.  You could change the names of the men and change the nature of the conflict and the dynamics would look very very familiar.  Agents act as best they can to secure the range of outcomes the public needs.  Zealots snap at their heels while they are doing it.

Greeley’s editorial was called “The Prayer of Twenty Millions,” a reference to the size of Lincoln’s popular vote in 1860—inflated, probably, by adding those who care about slavery but did not vote for Lincoln.  The editorial was 2200 words.  It was long and complicated; it was vitriolic and finger-pointing.

Here is the entire text of Lincoln’s response.  It is 408 words long.  It has a labored clarity to it, which is understandable, given the editorial to which it is a response.  It is also a gesture of warmth to a friend, as well as to a person who buys his ink by the barrel.  I’ll just put it on the page and make a few remarks and call it good enough.

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22, 1862.

Hon. Horace Greeley: Dear Sir.

I have just read yours of the 19th. addressed to myself through the New-York Tribune. If there be in it any statements, or assumptions of fact, which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, now and here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here, argue against them. If there be perceptable in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.

As to the policy I “seem to be pursuing” as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be “the Union as it was.” If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.

I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men every where could be free.

Yours, A. Lincoln.

The range of ways Lincoln would save the union is staggering.  Take, for instance “…and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that.”  I doubt that that option really means anything by itself, but it does plug a hole that would have been there if he hadn’t said it.

And this line is intended especially for Greeley.  I read it as saying, “I know you are a zealot and I hope you know why I can’t afford to be.”  Here’s what he says to Greeley.    “ If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them.”

This letter is perhaps the clearest letter by any politician I have ever read.  It cannot be misunderstood.  Even Greeley, who printed it, certainly didn’t like it.  On the other hand, he didn’t misunderstand it.

 

 

 

Posted in Politics | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

Having Bill and Lou for Dinner

For years, I have treasured the title of an article my brother John called to my attention.  I haven’t actually read the article; I just liked the title.  It is “Carrying Capacity is a Rural Truth; Bambi is an Urban Lie.”  In the process of tucking in the last few loose ends so I can write this post, I have run onto a difficulty or two.  John never heard of the article.  He agrees with me that it is a wonderful title.  I can’t find a record of such an article anywhere.  My memory of how I reacted to it the day I was told about it is extraordinarily vivid, but I am now considering the possibility that it never happened at all.

In any case, I will point out that when you put “Bambi” in a sentence that goes on to bambiconsider what happens to deer when their numbers outrun the resource base, you get a truly unsettling sentence.  Bambi is cute; hordes of starving deer are not cute.  What to do?

Here is an interesting story from Vermont.  It isn’t about deer, but I can see the “carrying capacity element” in this story and the “Bambi element” as well.  I’m betting you can see them too.

 

Here’s the New York Times account in full, and below, a small excerpt.

 Just past the village here is the farm at Green Mountain College, where chickens roam free and solar panels heat a greenhouse. The idea of sustainability runs so deep that instead of machines fueled by diesel, a pair of working oxen [Bill and Lou]  have tilled the fields for the better part of a decade, a rare evocation of a New England agricultural tradition.

Their names are Bill and Lou, and by the end of the month, they are to be slaughtered and turned into hamburger meat for the dining hall.

If you take seriously the idea that this is a “farm,” everything fits nicely.  Lou’s health is no longer good, so the farmers and deciding how best to use him next.  Pot roast, possibly.  “This is the logical time, said Baylee Drown, the assistant manager of the farm, “to use him for another purpose.”  The farm’s manager, Philip Ackerman-Leist agrees.  It is the farm’s purpose to produce food in a humane and sustainable way, not to shelter animals and concludes, “We have to think about the farm system as a whole.”

William Throop, the provost of Green Mountain College says, I’m imagining that I can hear the exasperation in his voice, “Bill and Lou are not pets.  They’re part of an intimate biotic community of the farm, in food webs and relationships of care and respect.”

You might expect to get a little pushback from the students.  Andrew Kohler, for example, took a course in how to drive a team of oxen and Bill and Lou were the team.  “They start listening to you and they become your friend,” says Kohler.  “I feel honored to eat them.”

Those are the “carrying capacity” voices, as I see it, but they are not at all the only voices.  Pattrice Jones, is one of several founders of an animal sanctuary in Springfield, Vermont.  He offered to take Bill and Lou into retirement and he might as well.  The name of the sanctuary is “Veganism Is the Next Evolution.”  Jones said the college’s idea of what is appropriate for the aging oxen “shocks the conscience of anybody who believes in kindness to animals.”

Animal rights groups have been incensed as well, and have amassed thousands of signatures of people opposed to this use of Bill and Lou and went on the college’s Facebook page to call for “a reprieve.”  As ideas go, it seems to me that “reprieve” is over on the far side of retirement and I would guess that the next step would be a “pardon.”

At this point, Throop’s “Bill and Lou are not pets” runs smack into Jones’s “kindness to animals.”  I suppose there is no way to say, in general, that one is better than another, but there is no question which better fits the college’s notion of what “sustainability” means on a small farm.

 

Posted in Sustainability | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Nonviolent Communication

The cover story in a recent issue of The Christian Century is called “Beyond Anger and Blame.”  That sounds good to me.  The “beyond,” especially, sounds good to me.  I have no complaint at all about getting “beyond” anger and blame.

Here are the four steps that Allan Rohlfs, the author of the article, has in mind.

The four steps of NVC [Non-violent Communications] offer a way to change that physical reaction and the speech that flows from it. They offer a way to regard the other person as other than an enemy, and they give one the freedom to respond with care.

The four steps are: 1) naming the behavior that is a problem; 2) naming the emotion you feel when the behavior takes place; 3) naming the need you have that is not being met because of the other person’s behavior; 4) stating in very concrete terms what would you would like the other person to do.

I have nine responses to this approach.  Truthfully, I have limited myself to just nine observations.  Everything I say about this approach to conflict resolution from here on is going to be negative, so let me say at the beginning that I am sure there are people for whom it works very well and it is a great deal better than the approach Rohlfs presents as “the alternative.”  (But why would there be just one alternative?) The following collection of “what ifs” and “yes buts” is my response not so much to NVC as to every kind of communication that takes this approach.  There are many of them and they are very popular.

Nevertheless.

1.  I am troubled by a package of communications proposals that is named by what it is not.  It is good that it does not require violence, but what, exactly does it do?  Does it bring peace?  Does it bring justice?  Does it nourish the small society where it takes place?  Are other approaches notably more violent?

2.  “Naming the behavior” that is the problem is fairly straightforward unless it is your behavior.  My guess is that happens roughly 50% of the time.  One of the things you might consider in such a situation is to stop doing the things that cause the other person to behave that way.

3.  “Naming the emotion you feel” is a rat’s nest of difficulties.  First of all, it imagines that you feel only one emotion.  I have been in situations where I felt I was on two or three trampolines at once.  I feel a lot of emotions and then I feel emotions about why I feel so chaotically emotional.  Naming “the” emotion at such a time is just not going to happen.  And even if I could isolate just one, can I give it a name?  Is there a name that fits it pretty well?  Is there a name that fits the combination of the two principal emotions you are feeling pretty well?  Three?

4.  With the best will in the world, “naming the emotion” is difficult and I don’t always have the best will in the world and that is true, also, of a lot of people who are my very good friends.  And if you don’t have a relentlessly charitable and honest character, there are other things that could happen when you get to naming the emotion.  You might, for instance, be drawn to the name of an emotion that will do your antagonist the most damage.  “I feel really angry when you…” might just roll of his back, but there is always the choice of “I feel so hurt when you…” if that will hit him harder.  Choosing an emotion name for strategic reasons is not fair, of course, but naming an emotion is difficult and when you are irritated anyway, it will be hard to find the “correct” emotion name and to continue to walk past the name that will do the most good or the most harm.

5.  A related difficulty—logically, it comes earlier in the sequence, but I postponed it so I could make a little context for it—is how sharply or how vividly you feel something.  If “irked” doesn’t do the job, would “devastated” be better?  I think it must be better, at least in some ways, because there is a great deal of training going on—both by precept and by example—about how to be more “hurt” by insensitivities than you once were, or how to be hurt by “insensitivities” that you would previously have passed by without noticing. It is also true and perhaps not incidental that by being hurt by some particular behavior gives you an instant peer group: people who were also hurt by that behavior.  A magically appearing group of fellow sufferers feels really good.

6.  I notice that we began, immediately, to talk about emotions—right after the behavior that produced the emotions.  Why are we talking about emotions?  Could we talk about intentions?  “What was it you had in mind when you did that, Charlie?  I don’t think I really understand it.”  Could we talk about prior agreements?  “As I remember it, we agreed that we would stay away from that topic on Friday afternoons.  Remember what used to happen before that agreement?”

7.  Talking about emotions usually means talking about MY emotions.  Talking about my emotions is not always the best thing to do, but it is a reliable way to keep the conversation about ME  Not everyone likes talking about the emotions he or she is feeling, but some people like it a lot.  The danger in talking about ideas is that it may turn into a cooperative endeavor, with one perspective feeding another. The danger in talking about achievements or failures is that they cue up an assessment of doing something well or a critique of doing something poorly.  There are ways that conversations about ideas and achievements can turn toxic as well, of course.  It is not the unique property of emotional transactions that they alone can be highjacked by other people’s needs.  “We’re Only Human After All,” says my wife from time to time.[1]

8.  This article describes a system of communication that “works well for people.”  What kind of people, I wonder, does it work well for?  Are there people for whom it does not work very well, no matter how well it is done?  I suspect there are.  At a grieving time of my life, I ran across the work of Terry Martin and Kenneth Doka, who maintain that there are “instrumental” ways of dealing with grief and “intuitive” ways.  They are not at all alike, but they both work if they fit the style of the person using them.  What doesn’t work is for a person whose natural style is instrumental to be told that he or she really ought to be handling grief intuitively.  I think NVC runs precisely this risk.  It’s not a good style for everyone.

9.  Finally, there is the curiously isolated feeling of these conversations.  It is as if the behaviors in question and the emotions in question did not take a good deal of their meaning from what other people do and feel.  When you complain about a behavior that hurt your feelings, it would be good if it were not a behavior that is widely accepted in that social setting.  I know from my extensive reading of undistinguished books that there are gatherings where the men and women refer to each other as “bitch” and “bastard,” meaning nothing by it except a gratifying crudeness and camaraderie.  I would move off to a different group, myself, but another response a woman might take would be to approach the next man who referred to her as a bitch and say that when he did that, she felt sad and small.

The behavior you are referring to, when you say you felt some particular emotion, really ought to be extraordinary.  If it is “how we do things here,” the person whose feelings are hurt will have to find another way to proceed.[2]  And raising the question of “how we do things here” introduces social norms and social agreements.  One of the things that might be said about a behavior that has, as one effect, hurting someone’s feelings, is that it makes the workplace or the classroom or the living room a poorer or more unstable place.  It may well have, in other words, bad social effects and it might be opposed just because it has those effects.  If it does have those effects, you may not be the only person who sees them or the only person who wants them stopped.

I think I’ll stop here.  I’m a political psychologist by training, but before that—long before that—I was interested in the way people use power.  There has been, it seems to me, a breathtaking rise in the number of people whose feelings are hurt and who want to tell you what you can do differently so that they will not continue to be hurt.  This response is so popular that it is crowding out a lot of other responses to ill-advised behavior, some of which work better.

 

 


[1] We don’t even say that anymore.  We just say WOHAA.
[2] And that is, by the way, the process by which the manager of an office wound up with the responsibility to maintain a “climate” that was not notably racist or sexist or ageist.  The people who found the office climate offensive made it the job of someone in particular to have a plan to do something about it.  That change of strategies was not achieved by hurt feelings.
Posted in Living My Life, Political Psychology | Tagged , , | 6 Comments

“Next to our liberties, most dear”

Here’s the way I picture it.  It is April 13, 1830.  President Andrew Jackson and his Vice President, John C. Calhoun were attending a Jefferson Day dinner.  Jackson was a proponent of national dominance; Calhoun of the states’ right to “nullify” offensive federal legislation.  It came time for the toasts and this exchange occurred.

Jackson:          Our Union.  It must be preserved.

Calhoun:         The Union.  Next to our liberties, most dear.[1]

All that is historically true.  In my own picture, I have them smiling at each other from opposite ends of a long dinner table and looking each other in the eye.  I love the adroit way that Calhoun completely cuts the legs out from his first words by adding some very gracious sounding additional words.  All while still smiling.  That’s what my own little mental movie looks like.

I got to thinking about this exchange when Speaker of the House John Boehner delivered the Weekly Republican AddressI saw it on November 8.   President Obama responded.  I saw it live on November 9.  That’s when I thought of Jackson and Calhoun.

Here’s what Speaker Boehner said.  I don’t want to send our economy off the “so-called fiscal cliff.”  Some people say that the way to avoid that is to allow the top two [federal income] tax rates to rise.  That will, by one estimate destroy 700,000 American jobs because many of those hit by this tax increase are small business owners.

He also offered an alternative.  Rather than raising taxes on “the American people,” let’s close special interest loopholes and lower tax rates.  And while we’re at it, let’s “shore up” entitlement programs which are driving our country into massive debt.

Conclusion: “…if there was a mandate in this election, it was a mandate to work together to do what’s in the best interest of our country.”

Here’s President Obama’s response“At a time when our economy is still recovering from the Great Recession, our top priority has to be jobs and growth.”  That sound pretty good, doesn’t it? “That’s the focus of the plan I talked about during the campaign.  It’s a plan to reward businesses that create jobs here in America, and give people access to the education and training that those businesses are looking for.  It’s a plan to rebuild our infrastructure and keep us on the cutting edge of innovation and clean energy.  And it’s a plan to reduce our deficit in a balanced and responsible way.”

Notice how the alternatives the two speakers offer differ from each other.  For Boehner, closing special interest loopholes (unspecified), lowering tax rates, and reducing entitlement spending are the alternative to the fiscal cliff.  Obama goes with him as far as “jobs and growth,” but no further.  Everything else is recycled from his stump speech—incentives for domestic job creation, education and training, clean energy, and all that.  Then comes his “next to our liberties, most dear” touch: reducing the deficit in a balanced and responsible way.

“Balanced” means both raising revenues and cutting costs.  Just cutting costs won’t do it.  Nonspecific “loophole closures” won’t do it.  And when Obama talks about “raising revenue,” he means “allowing the top two rates to rise.”  That’s a quote from Boehner.  It’s what Boehner says will cause the loss of more than half a million jobs.  Obama calls it “balanced and responsible.”

He is more specific later.  “I refuse to accept any approach that isn’t balanced.  I will not ask students or seniors or middle-class families to pay down the entire deficit while people making over $250,000 aren’t asked to pay a dime more in taxes.”  Without question, it is the “allowing the top two rates to rise” that makes all this fair.  The alternative is taking it out of students, seniors, and middle-class families.”

We know how to do this.  “We did it when Bill Clinton was president.  And that’s the only way we can afford to invest in…the ingredients of a strong middle class and a strong economy.”  And—watch this—we should do that piece first because it is a piece we all agree on.  “Making sure that taxes don’t go up on the 98% of Americans making under $250,000” is the first thing Congress should do—because, you know, we all agree on it.  And that leaves only the part Boehner is concerned about still on the table.

Conclusion: “On Tuesday, we found out that a majority of Americans agree with my approach—and that includes Democrats, Independents, and Republicans.”  That sounds pretty good, you have to admit.  But Boehner pointed out the day before that the American people returned Republicans to their majority in the House because the Republicans could be trusted not to raise taxes.  So it looks like a majority in the presidential race said one thing and just a few inches further down the ballot, those same Americans said a different thing.  And the House is, Boehner remarked in the earlier speech, “the people’s house,” after all.

There is such apparent gentility in all this.  With the single exception of Obama’s line—“I refuse to accept any approach that isn’t balanced”—everything is sweetly collegial.  The people have asked us to work together and prevent this awful fiscal cliff and I think that’s what we ought to do, don’t you, Mr. President?  Absolutely, Mr. Speaker, “next to our deficits, most dear.”

 

 

 


[1] There was more, actually.  Calhoun said, ““The Union, next to our liberty, most dear. May we all remember that it can only be preserved by respecting the rights of the States and by distributing equally the benefits and burdens of the Union”

Posted in Politics | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

What Was It All About?

The recently concluded—mostly concluded—election of 2012 is over.  What was it about?  As I look at the results and the arguments that led to them, it seems to me there are really only two questions involved.  The first is a classic version of the reformer v. the radical.

Reformers and Radicals

It’s a frame of reference question.  Since this is football season as well as presidential politics season, perhaps I can offer this illustration.  The owner of a losing team needs to look at just how far the team can go with what it has.  At that point a “start over” decision is made or a “continual improvement” decision.  It casts no aspersions on the owners to say that those who want to start over can fairly be called radicals.  This very useful word comes to us from the Latin radix = root and, in the NFL context, it gives us the picture of the team being torn out by the roots so that something else can be planted in its place.

What the moderates, the “continual improvement” owners are called depends entirely on who is doing the calling.  Moderates are sometimes said, by radicals, to be “rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic.” Sometimes they are said to be “putting bandages on a cancer.”  In a darker mood, they accuse the moderates of being merely tinkerers and hold that they are only obscuring the choice that will eventually need to be made.

It is true, of course, that among the costs of a commitment to gradual improvement is an obscuring of the need for fundamental (at the roots) change.  Conversely, among the costs of a commitment to radical change is passing up the chance to improve an essentially sound structure.  Here’s an easy example.  The conservatives in this election proposed to save on our entitlement costs by reducing medical care for poor people.[1]  The liberals want to stop wasting money on medical treatments that turn out not to do anyone any good.

The liberals say the system can be improved and that radical surgery will only make everything worse.  The conservatives say that the system is fundamentally flawed and all these attempts at “improvement” simply put off the inevitable day of reckoning.

Liberals and Conservatives

The second question offers competing notions of what a really good society looks like.  The radical surgery v. incremental improvement dilemma described above looks like an irreconcilable conflict, but it is irreconcilable only if the liberals and the conservatives are using the same measure of what it would look like when we get it right—and, of course, they are not. 

Let’s imagine that conservatives would really genuinely prefer a United States where only legal immigration was tolerated; where federal regulation was substantially scaled back; where abortions were illegal; where only heterosexual marriages were tolerated;  where saving for old age and for health care were decisions private persons made; where state-sponsored religion (Christian, Protestant, conservative) was allowed, and where labor unions were forbidden?  Yes.  They would.  For a while, at least. 

Let’s imagine that liberals would genuinely prefer a United States where immigration was considered a human right, where federal regulations were not only extended but the agencies doing the regulating were adequately funded as well; where abortions were entirely a matter for the woman and her doctor to decide upon; where gay and lesbian marriages were equal in every way to heterosexual marriages; where social security and medical care were available to everyone; and where people were protected from state-sponsored religious observances.  Yes.  They would.  For a while, at least.

So both sides are right in the very limited sense that they would initially prefer the policy effects they are championing.  This gives us two kinds of difference.  The first (liberal version) presupposes the society first put in place by the New Deal and wants to make the kinds of changes that will make those provisions effective and affordable.  Or (conservative version) rejects that kind of society in favor of decisions made by private persons and families, and economy dominated by giant corporations, and a small government for those few policies the states can’t handle.[2]  That sets radical change against incremental change.

The kind of society that would be produced, if each side could put its pipe dream into place, would have the list of outcomes described above.  According to the framework I proposed, the first set would be satisfactory to conservatives; the second satisfactory to liberals.

Where does that leave us?  As I see it, it leaves us with the liberal agenda largely intact.  We as a nation are not willing—possibly not even able—to choose the pre-New Deal society the conservatives think they would prefer.  You simply cannot allow people access to the ballot box and then treat them as if they had no recourse.  They do have recourse.  They can place measures on the ballot and then pass them into law.  They can mount immobilizing demonstrations the likes of which we have not seen since we drafted middle class boys to fight in Vietnam.  They can vote for your competition, assuring themselves first that “the competition” has the right goals and the will to pursue them.

We don’t have the families we used to have and never will again.  We don’t have the jobs that sustained those families.  We have more expansive appetites for consumer goods.  We don’t have the clear judgments of right and wrong that sustained small monolithic societies.  We are past that and we aren’t going back.

What does that mean for the conservative vision of society?  It means that they will continue to say no to these changes as long as they can.  Then they will lose and move on to saying no to the next round of changes.  There is really nothing left for them to say yes to.

They used to say that the majority party was like the sun and the minority party like the moon.  The moon shines with reflected light, but it doesn’t produce any light itself.  The minority party thus has the choice of proposing an agenda of its own which will be rejected or saying that they can accomplish the majority party’s agenda better than the majority party can.  Ordinarily, that doesn’t work.

I’m not sure we have sun and moon parties anymore.  I’m not even sure how important the parties are anymore given that a candidate’s program and funding can both be outsourced.  But it does seem to me that we have sun positions on society—not the liberal pipe dream, but incremental steps in that direction—and moon positions.  The position of reflected light will enable the conservatives to identify this or that feature of the post-New Deal society and say no to it.  But its light is reflected light and they will not be able to produce a coherent agenda of their own.

I like President Obama.  Like a lot of liberals, I think he earned some good marks and some bad marks during his first term.  But I think the best part of the Obama campaign was his claim that the election was really about two visions of society and the opportunity of the voters to choose between them.  He himself is a very small part of that movement but the direction he has chosen to move is the direction we will be going in any case.

I was raised in a very small town in a rural part of southern Ohio.  I know the social parts of the conservative pipe dream.  I grew up there.  We are past that, for good or ill, and we will need to find another way. I would really welcome a competing vision of “yes.”  That would help us all.  Even “yes but” would help us.  I didn’t see either of those in 2012.


 

[1] Nearly everyone is “poor” who needs $50,000 worth of drugs to live to the end of the month—every month. 

 

[2] And a very aggressive and military-oriented foreign policy, but that need not concern us today. 

 

Posted in Politics | Tagged , , , , | 2 Comments

Church and State

Bette and I sat down recently with a couple we had not yet met, but with whom we would be spending the next two weeks on a bike and barge trip.  The conversation turned political fairly quickly—no surprise in an election year[1]–and then almost as quickly, began to move down that path that leads to hard and nasty.  In an attempt to keep us from going down that path, I proposed that we give sex and religion their fair share of the time.

It struck me as odd that religion would be a safer topic than politics and since then, I have been noticing those odd church and state frictions.[2] To me, it seems to highlight the difference between someone acting officially, on behalf of an organization, or unofficially, as the person he or she is.  In this piece, we will see that both the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the Constitution are much more interested in agents than in persons.

Let’s start with the IRS and tax-exempt churches. There is a movement, I hear, called “Pulpit Freedom Sunday.”  Pastors are urged to back political candidates from the pulpit “in a direct challenge to tax laws that prohibit churches from engaging in electoral politics.”  The quote is from the October 31, 2012 Christian Century article called “Stump Sermons.”  But, of course, the tax laws do not prohibit churches from engaging in electoral politics.  They prohibit them from electoral politics AND their treasured 501(c) (3) exemption.  The IRS says you can’t be taxed like a charitable organization and act like a lobbying organization.  The state does not want, that is to say, to fund private lobbying with public dollars.

That seems sensible to me.  The question for a church is to decide whether it wants to be content with saying that some public policies are “good” or “godly” and that others are “evil” or “demonic.”  Policies.  Not candidates.  You can thunder all you want from any pulpit in the land that God will not abide homosexual marriages or torture as national policy against our enemies and the IRS watches contentedly.  Instructing your parishioners to vote for Obama or for Romney is another matter entirely, as the IRS sees it.

Does this “muzzle” the pastors, priests, rabbis, and imams?  Yes.  Does it muzzle the persons who hold those offices and play those roles?  No.  In a distinction long familiar to sociologists, I need to act as myself or in the character my role requires.  The IRS doesn’t care all that much about hallway conversations, winks, nudges, and implications.  They care about homilies—or, in a case I encountered recently, congregational prayers of confession.[3]

The same question is being faced by the cheerleaders of the Kountze Independent School District.  In a story the New York Times has been all over, the cheerleaders have been reproved for painting Bible verses on the paper barrier the team breaks through as they run onto the field.  The Freedom From Religion Foundation called the banners unconstitutional. They are a  Wisconsin-based group, which is made up of atheists and agnostics and have been active in East Texas, which is chock-full of Southern Baptists.  The District’s superintendent, Kevin Weldon, claims that prohibiting the students from writing Christian banner messages violated their religious liberties and free-speech rights.  Does that sound familiar?  The role that was played by the IRS in the question of Pulpit Freedom Sunday is played in this story by the Constitution.

Are these young women themselves and nothing more when they put on the cheerleaders’ uniforms and make signs for the school’s football team?  Kieara Moffett, an 11th grade cheerleader said about their banner—I can do all things through Christ, which strengthens me (Phil 4:13)—“I feel like it’s getting God’s word out to those that need it.”  That it is “God’s word” and that “getting it out” is a good idea and that there are “those who need it” are the views of teenage Kieara Moffett.  That these personal beliefs of Kieara’s ought to be painted on a sign for the official school team to run through as they are cheered by the official school cheerleaders are, ultimately, the views of the school.

So far as the school is concerned, those views would belong to Kevin Weldon, the district’s superintendent.  Weldon decided to prohibit the cheerleaders from putting Bible verses on the signs.  He said that in prohibiting them, he was violating the school’s policies protecting students in expressing their religious viewpoints and school’s discriminating against the cheerleaders.

That puts Mr. Weldon on one side of the issue and the policies on the other.  He prohibited the signs based on legal advice.  He and the attorneys had their eyes on a U.S. Supreme Court ruling in a Texas case, Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, which established that prayers led by students at high school football games were unconstitutional and had the improper effect of coercing those in the audience to take part in an act of religious worship.   So it looks to me as if the consensus is that “protecting the students in expressing their religious viewpoints”—when these students are acting as official agents of the school—is unconstitutional.

The school’s policies are on one side and the U. S. Constitution on the other.  On the other hand, Mr. Weldon said that he supported the cheerleaders and that, as a Christian, he agreed with their religious viewpoints.   It is that sentence that brings the tightest focus, as I see it.  Weldon supports the cheerleaders and he supports the school policies that protect the students in the expression of their religious views.  Further, as a Christian himself, he thinks that they are right.  On the other hand, the Constitution makes the distinction between persons as selves and persons as agents.  Mr. Weldon doesn’t, but his attorneys do and so do his opponent’s attorneys.

Does that strike you as a bad place to be?

 


 

[1] They were having an election in The Netherlands, too, while we were there.  Their equivalents of our Democratic party and our Republican party were the two highest vote getters and were asked by the Queen if they would please form a government.  Dutch courage? 

 

[2] In Salem, the capitol of Oregon, there is actually an intersection of State Street and Church Street.  I went to see it to make sure there was no wall of separation, such as the one Jefferson prescribed.  No wall.  There is a traffic light, though. 

 

[3] An associate pastor worked in a plea for God’s forgiveness for declaring war on Iraq into the prayer of confession.  A substantial portion of the congregation ambushed him during the coffee hour afterwards and told him to knock it off. 

 

Posted in Politics | Tagged , , , | 1 Comment

The Gospel According to Gupta

The question that has been on my mind for the last several weeks is this: “What do we mean when we say that a story is true?”  Is it just an old-fashioned way of saying that it is accurate?  I don’t think so.

I have two accounts of an event to offer.  Both are from Steven Spielberg’s movie The Terminal, which is about a man who is stuck for a long time in JFK airport in New York.  This man is Viktor Navorski (Tom Hanks) who, for reasons that need not detain us here, is not allowed either to return to his native Krakosia or to go out the front doors to New York.  The man keeping him in the airport is Frank Dixon (Stanley Tucci); first on a technicality, then out of pure spite.

One day, Dixon comes to get Navorski out of his cell because Milodragovich, a Russian man, has been detained.  The man speaks no English and when they tried to confiscate the medicine he was carrying, he threw a fit.  He held a knife to his throat and would not let anyone near him.  Navorski intercedes with Milodragovich on Dixon’s behalf.  Then, with a sudden inspiration, he intervenes with Dixon, on Milodragovich’s behalf.

The picture here shows Novorski with Gupta, an Indian who was initially suspicious of Navorski but was eventually won over entirely.  Gupta is the one who tells the story.  He didn’t see it himself, but he knows it is true.

There was a 20 man.

Immigration’s gun was drawn.

The Dixon was ready to fire, to kill the little man with the pills.

But then someone walks into the room and stand in front of this little man.

“Put the gun away,” the man said.  “Nobody will die today.”

The crowd, jammed into a janitor’s closet,  responds to this account with a hubbub of questions. “Who?  Who was it that saved him? Yeah, tell us.  Who was it?  Who was this man?”

Gupta goes to a table in the back and hold up two piles of papers.  They are the copier prints of Viktor Navorski’s hand.  They were produced accidentally when Dixon slammed Navorski up against a copier as Milodragovich escaped.

Navorski.  Viktor.  “The Goat.” Navorski.

That is Gupta’s version of what happened and I say it is true.

It is not, however, accurate and very often, today, we call an account  “true” meaning mostly that it is accurate.  It is that distinction I am trying to make clearer in this post.  Here are a few things that are wrong with Gupta’s account.

1.  There weren’t 20 men.  Maybe a dozen.  Some men; some women.

2.  No guns were drawn.  Therefore “the Dixon” was not “ready to fire.”  He never threatened Milodragovich’s life.  There was never the slightest danger that Dixon would “kill the little man with the pills.”

3. Navorski did not stand in front of Milodragovich.  Ever.

4. He did not say “Put the guns away.  Nobody will die today.”

Virtually everything Gupta says, in other words, is inaccurate.  But that isn’t the feeling you get when you see the event yourself  (thank you, Steven Spielberg) and then hear Gupta describe it.  You feel more that the scene as it happens is cluttered with inessentials and that they obscure the meaning of what is going on.  You feel that Gupta clears the inessentials away and tells, simply and without the clutter, what really happened.

Looking at it through Gupta’s account, we might raise different questions.  Maybe better questions.

1.  Were there enough of Dixon’s people to physically control Milodragovich?  Yes.  And they had weapons, had they been needed.  Twenty, schmenty.

2.  In practical terms, “the little man with the pills” was not Milodragovich, but his father.  Very likely, the father would die without the pills, so the meaning of “to kill the little man with the pills” is pretty good and Gupta’s account is the only one that raises that line of effect.  Alternatively, “kill the little man” can be understood as “killing” the mission, which was obviously quite important to Milodragovich.  “Kill” would mean “cause him to fail in his efforts to save his father.”

3.  All you have to do to save “stand in front of the little man” is to change it into Latin.  That gives us interpose.  There is no disagreement that Navorski interposed himself between Dixon’s choice and effect of that choice on Milodragovich.  Navorski “placed himself between” (inter + ponere, “to place”) in every way except physically and interposing himself physically would have been useless and inflammatory.

4.  The best we can do here is to say that Navorski made irrelevant the physical force Dixon had available.  He may very well have saved Milodragovich’s life and his father’s life as well.  So nobody did die today.  It isn’t something Navorski said; it is something he did.

The Gospel according to Gupta?

I think the realities Gupta’s account pointed us to are fundamental to what actually happened.  It is an account that rings true, certainly, to the people in the janitor’s closet who heard him tell it—“little men” all.  The inaccuracies I have named seem to me inconsequential, which is why I allowed myself “twenty, schmenty.”

Having heard “the gospel according to Gupta” several dozen times now, I have also had the experience of going back to the scene at watching it in detail.  The feeling I have is like clearing cobwebs out of my way so I can see clearly.  Was anyone trying to shoot Milodragovich?  On what grounds did Dixon deny Milodragovich the safe passage of the medicines?  Did they use any unnecessary violence in hauling Milodragovich away?  Cobwebs.  Gupta doesn’t deal with them at all and his account is clearer because of it.

This might seem like a lot of time to spend on one chapter (Chapter 18, “The Inspection,” if you have the DVD) of a movie, but it meant a little extra to me because I have been thinking about the process by which the stories about Jesus’ life come to us.  Some of the stories about Jesus (like his walking on the water) and stories Jesus told, like “the good Samaritan” sound a lot like Gupta to me.  You don’t see the cobwebs in the New Testament accounts.  You get, instead, an interpretation of what is really important in the form of a story.  I can’t tell the story the way Gupta told it, but standing in that janitor’s closet, facing that audience of “little men,” I know I would wish I could tell it that way.

Some people say the gospel accounts we have are literally true.  I say the accounts we have are more like Gupta’s story than they are like the scholarly recreations that have been attempted.  The “Quest for the Historical Jesus” is more than one hundred years old by now and it has engaged some very powerful intellects.  Their work offers benefits to everyone who reads them, but they are not a better story than Gupta gives us and they are not a truer story.

Some people say that these stories are not the reports of actual events but, relying on Gupta again, I think it might be better to say that they are interpretations of actual events.[1]  In The Terminal, there is never any question that there was an OK Corral style confrontation between Navorski and Dixon.  The question is what actually transpired in this Corral.  Having seen both versions, I prefer Gupta’s.[2]

I think what I’m going to do is to try to hear Gupta’s voice in my head as I listen to the gospel accounts.  I have spent all the time I want to spend in validating and categorizing the cobwebs.  I want to see the glint in Jesus’ eye when, pressed on the question of Roman taxes by his opponents, he said, “So…anybody got a coin on him?”  I think in Gupta’s account, I just might be able to see that gleam and I’d like that.

 


 

[1] There are many myths that “symbolize” events, rather than describing them.  The goddess Persephone’s annual return to the earth in spring can be celebrated in the flowering of the meadows and  her return to the underworld in winter, mourned in the dying down of plants and the halting of growth. It’s a lovely symbol, but no one is arguing that it is a historical event.  

 

[2] Of course, I wouldn’t know that I preferred Gupta’s had I not seen them both.  That’s the great thing about movies. 

 

Posted in Biblical Studies, Movies, ways of knowing | Tagged , , , , | 1 Comment

Cheating at Harvard

I wasn’t surprised to learn that they cheat at Harvard.  I actually was surprised that some of the cheating students are suing the university, claiming that their future job prospects would be jeopardized.  Here’s the account from The Harvard Crimson.

The line that caught my eye was this one: “Harvard has created this war between the students and the fricking school, and this is a war that I am willing and very eager to fight.”  Very bracing prose, I’m sure you’ll agree.  It must have been a very satisfying thing to say to reporter, particularly after you have been granted anonymity.

But a few things tugged at the side of my mind as I read.  One was that students who cheat are parasites and prominent among their several hosts is the students who don’t cheat.  If there should be a war, it seems to me it ought to between the students who are having the value of their work diminished and the students who are diminishing it to benefit themselves.  I think the advocates of “just war” theory could make a home in their hearts for that kind of war.

A second thing that tugged at my mind was that Harvard has “created this war.”  They have done this, presumably, by prohibiting cheating and then by enforcing the prohibition.  This seems unduly broad to me.  Presumably there are, at Harvard, prohibitions against violent behavior toward others, against theft of university property, against other kinds of fraud including, I imagine, not paying your tuition.  So let’s just test this statement by substitution one of those.  “Harvard has created this war between the students and the fricking school by demanding that we pay for the courses we take here.”  It’s the same position, but somehow it doesn’t have the same pop.

The third has to do with the damage done to the job prospects.  It is true that many employers hire the “degree from Harvard,” rather than any particular skills a student might have, but that will last only as long as: a) most Harvard students actually have the skills they are supposed to have and b) there are no other schools whose graduates will reliably outperform Harvard students.  In the first of those considerations, the student damages not only his own job prospects, but those of all graduates of Harvard.

Beyond that, though, it strikes me as bizarre that the student hold against Harvard the fact that future employers are likely to think this student is not such a good bet as an employee because he cheats.[1]  Employers will make their own judgments about the promise of potential employees.  Students who have made themselves less desirable by cheating are in a very weak position, it seems to me, when they hold the university responsible for prohibiting cheating in the first place.

It makes you wonder if honest scholarship might not be better.


[1]He “has cheated,” one of the lawyers said.  These may be really solid students who have had one lapse in an academic career.  But, of course, “one lapse” is enough to produce an unwanted pregnancy in other circumstances and that has been enough to made a product called Plan B popular.  These students have not thought as far as Plan B.

Posted in Education | Tagged , | 3 Comments