This week, Jenni Russell, a columnist for The Times of London offered some language I would like to think further about. She was writing about Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his electoral strategist, Dominic Cummings, but I think that we are facing these same questions in the U. S.
We face, for instance, “the rage or left-behind…voters.” We have strategy to win seats by focusing on, inciting, and harnessing rage. We have the language “not of traditional political disagreement, but of betrayal. We have a government “under huge pressure to cater to …anger.”
And we face the consequences pointed to in this conclusion: “If you campaign in fury, you will govern in the interests of rage.” I think that is what caught my attention. It seems to me that it blows right by a lot of more common American electoral patterns.
The way it used to be
It was once thought, for instance, that “the people” were the best judge of their own interests. The notion that the people had “interests” and would reward candidates that promised to cater to them was never very high-minded. These “interests” played, in the electoral system, the role that greed played in the economic system. It was ugly in each instance, but across the system, it played out to the benefit of all. That was the idea.
Then there came the shift that I associate with Thomas Frank’s book, What’s the Matter with Kansas? They don’t “vote their own interests,” Frank said, meaning that they don’t vote their “real” (economic) interests. The response was that they were “values voters” and voted their real—religious and social—interests, not being dissuaded by the economic promises.
We are now, it seems to me, in the next stage. Religious/social values are “interests,” still. They are not the ones the first analysts imagined, but they are plausible goals of public policy. But “inciting and harnessing rage” cannot be kept within that framework. Rage has its value in its expression, not in its effect. Rage is not a tool.
It may be authentic or not. It may be induced or not. It may be understood or not. But there is no plausible policy outcome of rage. Rage validates itself to you as you express it either on the grounds that it feels so good or that it feels so right. It would be a detour, at this point, to examine just why it feels so good or why the “authenticity” of the rage validates it [1]
Rage is, therefore, not a “position” on the political spectrum, as liberalism and conservatism are and cannot be satisfied by a political response as liberals and conservatives can be.
On the other hand, given the role that rage plays in keeping the outrageous in power, it is not satisfying it but continually stoking it that the outrageous must do. And the idea that those who owe their current position to popular outrage must—they have to—has evaded my attention until I read this article.
If a woman were elected president because she was so beautiful and maintained her
power by being beautiful at every public appearance, sooner or later someone would begin to speculate on what it must cost her to have to be beautiful all the time. There is no way she could present herself as being beautiful in public appearances because she likes being beautiful—that it is, in other words, a choice she is making because she wants to. Like this one?
So what happens to President Trump on the day he gets tired of being outrageous? He attended a World Series game in Washington D. C. this year and was booed. If it is true, as the “British insider” told Jenni Russell, that “If you campaign in fury, you will govern in the interests of rage,” then I think the answer is that President Trump is forced to elicit rage everywhere he goes. I think that is why he was booed at the World Series game.
President Trump gives every evidence of enjoying his outrageous behavior, so perhaps he does. But as with the presidential beauty queen, she may very well enjoy being beautiful, but I am quite sure she does not enjoy being forced to be beautiful all the time. So let’s say that President Trump does not enjoy being forced to top one daily outrage with yet another and another. If he must “govern in the interests of rage,” he really doesn’t have a choice. The daily outrages are required and he must commit them in good spirits or bad. [2]
Behaving outrageously when you are outraged must feel pretty good, but being required to behave outrageously no matter how you are feeling, likely does not satisfy anything fundamental. So we may be, now, in “he who rides the tiger” territory. [3] Donald Trump climbed on the tiger when he “campaigned in fury,” knowing he could not possibly win. How he is forced to govern in the interests of rage, because he supporters will eat him alive if he does not.
Notice the transition from “political disagreement” to “betrayal.” If President Trump is in the business of “stoking resentment and populism;” if he has been presenting “opponents as saboteurs;” if he has been whipping up fury against Washington [Jenni Russell’s article said “Westminster:”] elites, then anything that looked like getting off the tiger could be fraught.
His base is now tuned to “betrayal;” the business of “my honorable opponent will disagree, but….” has been left behind. The people who oppose the Trump goals or even the Trump tactics can be tarred as “saboteurs.” In the U. S., the press is severely limited by having been successfully labeled the purveyors of “fake news.” And an electoral sector like that will not treat signs of moderation kindly. They will retaliate if the liberal elites will give them room enough to do that.
Summary
Jenni Russell offered what I thought was a perceptive look at the dilemma facing Prime Minister Boris Johnson. I thought that most of the difficulty she foresaw for Johnson was applicable to Mr. Trump. That was a new perspective on our situation. And then the notion that, despite President Trump’s apparent relish for outrage, he if were forced to keep on producing it whether he wants to or not—that was the point of the beauty queen metaphor—really intrigued me.
[1] That is a long and unhappy story with its roots in the Romantic movement of the 18th Century.
[2] This reminds me of Ida, a Polish movie about a novice who wants to take her orders as a nun, but is sent out to square matters with her family first. She comes suddenly into quite a bit of money and begins cranking out sins one after another. These are “sins” as they would appear to a nun and she performs them all with not the slightest flicker of enjoyment, as if she were checking off all the boxes. Then she walks back to the convent to take her holy orders.
[3] “He who rides the tiger is afraid to dismount.”
Ms. Schroeder is concerned about the vulnerability of white males, her sons in particular, to the extremist appeals that are available online. Certainly she should be and so should we all. But I would like to take her column as a starting place and to think about just what we have on hand to oppose it.
if you are no supposed to could be construed as heroic. Affirming all people despite their differences probably cannot be called “heroic” no matter how hard you try.
Eli can’t hear God speaking to him anymore.
a very bad movie about God.
newly elected State Representative (House District #1 in Oregon) [1] He thought I was politically naive (which was certainly true, although not in the way he thought) so he would bring me into the office from time to time and ask me a question. I thought it felt a good bit like a catechism. The question was, “What is a good idea?” The correct answer was, “Sixteen and 31.” [2] So, roughly, if you can sell it to a majority, it’s a good idea. [3]
People who like more “meat” [6] will wonder why they should shift from a menu they like to a menu they do not like. That seems to me a reasonable question. There is a good tight relationship between the preferences of the resident carnivores and their meal choices. They like to eat meat and so they choose meat dishes from the menu. The counterargument, that they really should have different preferences than the ones they do have, will sound faint to their ears and if it persists, it will become annoying. Doing what you like to do—provided that it is not illegal, immoral, or fattening—is your right.
So neither rationale—neither do the right thing nor do what you want to do—is going to work here. What works, instead, is an approach toCommon Pool Resources (CPR), such as Elinor Ostrom considers in her 1990 book, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action. . In Törbel, Switzerland, for instance they live with the possibility of private overgrazing at public cost and they deal with it. How? First, they inculcate the attitudes that will make voluntary compliance the normal thing. [7] Second, they rely on all the members of the association to monitor and report infractions. The association also hires people to monitor infractions, but they are not expected to do all the work, only to supplement the work the residents do. Third, they punish violators with both disapproval of their neighbors and with financial penalties.
forthrightly what she considered desirable in a future race.[1] It was easy enough to see that the children of Tekla were going to be strong, disciplined, formidable fighters. And one did not have to be a military genius to understand that fighting, for the foreseeable future—several millennia of being bottled up in space colonies—was going to be up close and personal.
You will see the names Tekla and Aida.
thought of as modern day products of Old Earth’s Neanderthals, both of their physiology and their culture.
good deal more than I had ever wanted to know about clan governance. Clans cohere around the leader. Until, of course, someone kills him and takes over, at which point they cohere around the new leader. “The law of the clan” is a fiction for the same reason the “law of the mob” was fiction in Chicago when it was being run by Al Capone. These are “leader-driven” not “law-driven” societies.

It is easy to be critical of these choices of crucial virtues and/or of the choice to attach a fragment of scripture to each of them and/or of the particular scripture that is chosen.
This short essay is in praise of the kind of place it is.
no content would be problematic.
The similarity between the kind of appeal Egan is using—tribal, primal, vindictive—and the kind he is condemning is very clear to me.
In this piece, Egan contributes to the degradation of dialogue about crucial public issues.