Did Jesus pick fights he could have avoided?

I think so. Let me review three instances where I see that happening and then I’ll come back so we can revisit the question together. The three concern: a) Jesus’s healing of a paralyzed man, b) his partying with sinners, and c) his justification of his disciples’ violation of the Sabbath.  These are all stories that Luke passes along to us.

Healing a Paralyzed Man

Jesus heals a paralyzed man and declares that his sins have been forgiven. [1] The scribes argument-6and Pharisees accuse Jesus of blasphemy, interpreting his statement as something he, himself, was doing. It would have been easy for Jesus to have said that God had obviously forgiven this man, so it was not something Jesus was doing, but only something Jesus recognized.  Then they could argue about whether God had done that or not, citing various interpretations against each other.

That’s not what Jesus did. Here is the account in Luke 5.

21 The scribes and the Pharisees began to think this over. ‘Who is this man, talking blasphemy? Who but God alone can forgive sins?’ 22 But Jesus, aware of their thoughts, made them this reply, ‘What are these thoughts you have in your hearts? 23Which of these is easier: to say, “Your sins are forgiven you,” or to say, “Get up and walk”? 24 But to prove to you that the Son of man has authority on earth to forgive sins,’—he said to the paralyzed man—‘I order you: get up, and pick up your stretcher and go home.

In this episode, Jesus accepts his opponents’ understanding of what he had done and offered a “proof” that he had not exceeded his authority. He said, “I will continue to debate this matter with you if you have the power, as I do, to heal this man. Oh, you don’t have the power? I guess the discussion is over then.”

Partying with sinners

In Luke’s account (5:29—32), Jesus attends a party in the home of his newest disciple, a tax collector named Levi. The Pharisees noted the Jesus was associating with people whom the Law told him to avoid. Jesus took the whole basket of undesirables and recategorized them.

The Pharisees saw these people as an affront to God. God demands purity and purityargument-5 requires that you forego association with violators of the law. Jesus did not dispute that the other people at the party were sinners and he did not dispute that he would become ceremonially impure by association with them. He said, as I hear it, “They may be impure, but they are also spiritually sick. It is my mission to heal as many as I can. Why would God send me to people—like you—who are not sick and who, therefore, have no need of my special gift?”

Overseeing God’s Sabbath

Let’s take one more. At the beginning of chapter 6, Luke gives an account of a controversy about the Sabbath.

It happened that one Sabbath he was walking through the cornfields, and his disciples were picking ears of corn, rubbing them in their hands and eating them. 2 Some of the Pharisees said, ‘Why are you doing something that is forbidden on the Sabbath day?’ 3 Jesus answered them, ‘So you have not read what David did * when he and his followers were hungry— 4 how he went into the house of God and took the loaves of the offering and ate them and gave them to his followers, loaves which the priests alone are allowed to eat?’ 5 And he said to them, ‘The Son of man is master of the Sabbath.’

Jesus was challenged about the Sabbath-breaking of his disciples. [2] He gave an answer entirely within the narrative of Judaism using a kind of debate that was common among the rabbis. And then he claimed an unheard of status for himself—he attacked the entire structure of “holiness as separation” by declaring that he, himself, was master over God’s sabbath.

OK, there are three instances where, it seems to me, Jesus picked a fight he need not have picked. So this Jesus, the Jesus Luke gives us, [3] apparently wanted to make a point of some kind by picking these fights. Nothing Luke ever says about Jesus suggests that Jesus was not in control of his words and his actions. These events that Luke describes are not slip-ups; they are tactics. And tactics are intended to accomplish something. That brings us to the question of just why Jesus was picking these particular fights with these particular people.

Why Jesus Picked Fights

In this section, we move from material that is clearly part of Luke’s tradition. In recounting them, I am not speculating about anything; I’m just telling you what Jesus did and said. And we are moving to raw speculation. Luke has no interest at all in telling us why Jesus was doing these things, so we are really on our own here. [4]

argument-1Let’s begin with Jesus as a chooser of what issues are going to be salient.  Etymologically, and issue is “salient” when it jumps out at you. [5] Each of the events I have chosen as examples brings some new aspect of Judaism front and center. In the case of the paralytic, the question of God’s forgiveness is raised. At the party, the question of holiness as separation from the needy is raised.  In the “cornfield,” the question of the applicability of the Law to Jesus and his mission is raised.

There was, in each of these areas, the normal way of looking at a question and then there were other elements at the margins. In each of these, Jesus took one of these “marginal” issues and made it central. Something about the message Jesus wanted to bring required new ways of looking at old things, so I think the general answer to the question I raised (Why did Jesus pick fights?) is just that–it offers a chance to look at things in a new way.

How does that idea work out in these three episodes?

In the case of the paralytic, Jesus does two things that, together, have powerful implications. He accepts the Pharisees understanding that he had forgiven the sins of the paralyzed man and links it to his power to heal. Either one of those would set him against the Pharisees, but together they make a very strong claim—they attach this claim to a title Jesus uses of himself—“Son of Man.” Jesus comes very close to saying to the Pharisees that whoever has the power has the authority.

The Pharisees claimed the authority of Moses, which is perfectly fair, but the authority they had did not enable them to cure this man. If power and authority are linked, then the Pharisees have neither. If they are not linked, Jesus has power, but the Pharisees have authority.

My argument here is that Jesus did not correct the misunderstanding of the Pharisees because accepting their accusation enabled him to clarify something about his ministry—that God had endowed him particularly with the power to heal and the authority to forgive sins—and that this relationship with God he was claiming put him outside the reach of the Pharisees.

In the case of Levi and his friends, the argument Jesus is looking for is unexpectedly fundamental. The whole Jewish notion of “holiness” is related to “separation from.” When Yahweh says He is holy, the meaning is that He is “other” and “separate” and “not mixed in” and when God asks His people to be holy, the meaning is the same. See Isaiah 52:11b for the original context). The way to stay holy is to avoid sources of contamination and the Pharisees were very serious about avoiding contamination.

When Jesus changes “contaminated” to “sick,” he changes the other role from “separated Israelite” to “engaged physician.” What kind of a physician would avoid people who were sick? Now, in the most literal and most narrow view, Jesus identified “tending to the sick” as his own role, not one that “sons of Israel” should play. He could be understood as saying, “I know this is not your role, but I want you to know that it is the role I was sent here to play.” But in context, there is a very good chance that Jesus’s rejoinder will be taken to mean: “And why are you Pharisees refusing to attend to the sick?” It would be a strong accusation at that level of meaning and that seems to be the way the Pharisees took it.

So the answer to the question “Why did Jesus pick fights?” as it appears in this story is, “So he could upend the Pharisees concern with purity and replace it with a concern for healing.”

In the final episode, the “Lord of the Sabbath” episode, the contrast is clearest and the attachment of the argument to Jesus himself is most prominent. Here’s the way Joseph Fitzmyer  (see footnote 1) puts it.

Without formally abolishing the Sabbath regulations, Jesus subordinates them to his person and mission.

argument-3Jesus picked this fight, it seems to me, in order to establish that he dare not subordinate his mission to the ordinary constraints of Judaism. That’s why he didn’t stop with the rabbinic justification of his disciples’ actions, but went on to make a claim about himself.
The point could be phrased this way. “I am a loyal law-observing Jew, but I have also been set apart by God for a particular mission and I must be loyal to that mission above everything. So when the two are in conflict, as they are here [6] I must be loyal to God’s call and not to the Law.” This is not different from the conflict just before this one and which I had to skip over. (Luke 5:36—39) in which Jesus identifies his movement as being like “new wine” and the Jewish institutional commitments as “old wineskins.”

Summary

I am amazed that I read these stories during the whole of my youth without noticing how Jesus sought these conflicts. It seems so plain to me now. I suppose that I was taught that “Jesus was a nice person” and therefore that he would not seek out and provoke conflicts unnecessarily. And if one begins with that interpretative filter, these stories can be understood—not very well—in another way.  Clearly, Jesus is baiting his opponents in these stories.  It isn’t that they were stupid, in Luke’s account, but that they were led into an ambush.

But if Jesus did seek out and exacerbate these conflicts, as I am arguing here, then we get to ask the next question, which is “Why did he do that?” My answer in this essay is that he did it in order to change the question from the ones that were being asked to the ones that needed to be asked if he was to clarify who he was and what his mission was. [6] Everyone is forced into speculation when the question “why did Jesus do that?” is asked. For “what Jesus did” we rely on the several gospel accounts. For “why did he do that,” we are, I regret to say, on our own.

My view is that Jesus had an answer he needed to give and that he did what he needed to do to provoke the question that required that answer.

[1] There is some debate about what Jesus actually said here and what it meant. Joseph Fitzmyer, my authority on Luke (see the Yale Anchor Bible Commentary), translates Jesus’s remark as “Your sins have been forgiven you” and suggests that the theological passive used here is meant to suggest that it is God who has done the forgiving.
[2] This was one of the most puzzling stories for me when I was young. What the disciples were doing with “corn” made no sense to me at all. I had had a lot of experience with “ears of corn” and I know you can’t do with them what the disciples did. It took me a long time to realize that the text has grain in mind, not maize. And then there was the matter of the disciples stealing from the farmer through whose fields they were walking. So that looked like trespassing to me and then theft on top of it. I was bewildered.
[3] Perhaps it is worth saying here that we and dependent on Luke’s view of what Jesus did and what he was trying to do. My argument that Jesus’s intentions can be reasonably read right off the page could more carefully be phrased as “the Jesus tradition Luke draws on presents him in this way.” So it may be that the contrasts that I find so compelling are the ones Luke wants us to see rather than the ones Jesus would have wanted us to see. There is no resolution to that problem. Luke (and the other synoptic accounts) is the source of our information and there isn’t any way to peek around the account to the events that lay behind it.
[4] I am not entirely on my own. I have benefitted a good deal from the work of Sidney Tarrow’s Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics., particularly his idea of the “repertoire of contention” and Charles Tilly’s idea of “claims as performances” in his Contentious Performances.
[5] Salire, “to leap” is the root of quite a few English words, including, oddly enough, “salacious.”
[6] Of course they were not fundamentally in conflict here. That is established by Jesus’s defense of his disciples’ action through an interpretation of the scriptures. Jesus went on—unnecessarily, in the view of this essay—to redefine the conflict as fundamental. “I am the Lord of the Sabbath” is a fundamental conflict.

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Some Rhetorical Similarities in Trump and Hitler Speeches

I want to write about Donald Trump and Adolf Hitler today. I know no one is going to like what I have to say, but I feel, nonetheless, some urgency about saying it now.

Here is the whole message of this essay. If you are willing to read this sentence, you will have done everything I have asked you to do. [1]

There are amazing and disconcerting similarities between Donald Trump’s inaugural address on January 20, 2017 and Adolf Hitler’s first address as Chancellor—his Regierungserklaerung—on February 10, 1933.

No one will like this.

rhetoric-1I have taught in public schools and universities nearly all my life, so I can tell you that comparing anyone to Adolf Hitler is taken as a serious insult. If you say to a politician who is five feet and nine inches tall that he is as tall as Hitler, he will take it as a mortal insult. He will say, incredulously, “Are you comparing me to Hitler?” If I say that Hitler was a marvelously gifted tactician, deploying a largely unwilling bureaucracy with great skill, I will be accused of “justifying Hitler.”

On the other hand, I will, in this essay, point out some disquieting similarities between Hitler’s first speech as Chancellor and Trump’s first speech as President. These will be pale comparisons; largely rhetorical comparisons. Here is one example, just to illustrate the kind of thing you will run into if you decide to read on. Trump’s use of “the American people” is remarkably similar to Hitler’s use of “das Deutche Volk.”

And my other readers, not the ones who will be scandalized that I am comparing Trump and Hitler, will be scandalized that I am limiting myself to the comparison of a few phrases chosen by the President and by the Chancellor. It will seem to them that I am justifying the expected horrors of the Trump administration by complaining only about some words that appeared in his first speech as President.

That is why I said that no one is going to like what I am going to say today. The pro-Trump faction will be angry that I have made the comparison at all. The anti-Trump faction will be angry that I have made such a pale and academic comparison.

Rhetorical Similarities

rhetoric-2Noting these similarities is not a charge against Trump. You can go down the two speeches and just substitute a German expression for an English one and just doing that is scary.[2] It is true, however, that Trump sees many more similarities than I do between the time of his assuming power and the time of Hitler’s assuming power. And because Trump sees these similarities, he chooses words that highlight them.  Any good speaker would do that.  Abraham Lincoln did the same thing; he was a superb speaker as a result.

Let’s pick a four examples just to establish the category. First, there is absolutely no difference between “America First” and “Deutchland Über Alles.” [3] The rest of the world would take that for granted, but it sounds odd to American ears, especially after eight years of Obama’s very inclusive internationalism.

Second, I think “peasants” in Hitler’s speech is very closely analogous to Trump’s “forgotten men and women.” Hitler was quite clear about who he saw as the victims of the previous regime.

Then the peasantry starts to become impoverished, the most industrious class in the entire Volk is driven to ruin, can no longer exist, and then this process spreads back to the cities, and the army of unemployed begins to grow…

In President Trump’s speech, the direct reference is “The forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer.”And it is not hard to hear the triumph in the following sentence: “Everyone is listening to you now.” [4]

Third, as a candidate, Trump was very general about the programs he favored. He was interested in building a movement, not in proposing some way to achieve particular goals. And the movement was built by what he often referred to as “the status quo.” Hitler used Systemzeit in the same way.

Hitler, as an outsider to the political process and as the leader of a rapidly growing movement had the same rhetorical challenge that President Trump (not candidate Trump) has and met it in a very similar way. Here is Hitler’s rejection of the status quo.

Our opponents are asking about our program. My national comrades, I could now pose the question to these same opponents: “Where was your program?” Did you actually intend to have happen what did happen to Germany?

Fourth, you can have a “program” by establishing goals and giving control over their rhetoric-4achievement to the appropriate agencies, funding them adequately, and then holding them accountable for their work. That’s not how you build a movement. A movement needs a leader. The leader needs to focus the movement on himself and to give indications that he, personally, is bound to the success of the movement.

Here is what that personal characteristic, that quality of attachment looked like in Hitler’s speech. Again, some such device is crucially important if you are setting a movement against a status quo.

Just as I myself have now worked for fourteen years, untiringly and without ever wavering, to build this Movement; and just as I have succeeded in turning seven men into a force of twelve million, in the same way I want and we all want to build and work on giving new heart to our German Volk.

President Trump achieved that same identity of self and movement this way.

I will fight for you with every breath in my body – and I will never, ever let you down.

That’s probably enough by way of examples. You will have to take my word for it that I skipped over a lot of similarities because my goal was not to be comprehensive, but only to illustrate the category. Both Chancellor Hitler and President Trump saw themselves as bringing a new and hopeful (“stop the carnage”) era and as bringing a fresh and powerful new movement to sweep away the inept politicians that preceded him.

Given that similarity of historical settings, it is not at all surprising that the two speakers employed similar rhetorical devices. They are the devices that the situations really require when you see them the way the President and the Chancellor saw them. [5]  And of course, for political outsiders, comparing anyone to Hitler can be seen as an act of rejection.

As I turn from simple rhetorical analysis, I note with real encouragement that in the rhetoric-3United States of our time (by contrast with the Germany of Hitler’s time) there are many social and political institutions, including a robust federal system, in place. They can’t simply be set aside. They will have to be bargained with.

And historically, when insurgent movements begin to bargain with their opponents, they start to slow down and then they begin to unravel. That’s what I hope will happen here.

[1] If you would like to do more, I recommend reading Hitler’s first address as Chancellor of Germany along with Donald Trump’s Inaugural address. Both are readily available. In fact, you can see either of them on YouTube if you like.
[2] As I am writing this, the electronic version of today’s New York Times is featuring a headline, “Trump Renounces Nation’s Political Class.” All you have to do is substitute Systemzeit, referring to the “wasted years of the Weimar Republic, and you have the same sentiment. It just sounds scarier in German. I know that is parochial of me, but that is just how it sounds to my ear.
[3] Historically, it meant “Germany the new nation” over “any one of the component parts.” In the American context, that would mean an appeal to nationalism, such as we find in the Federalist Papers, over states’ rights. So “America First” in the domestic context would mean, “Not you, South Carolina.” President Trump meant it in an international context, which is much closer to the mistranslation “Germany Above Everyone Else,” the meaning I grew up with during World War II.
[4] And just in case there was any doubt about who he was talking about, he adds this clarification. “You came by the tens of millions to become part of a historic movement the likes of which the world has never seen before.”
[5] President Obama, facing a similar situation, appealed to a very inclusive patriotism and although his approach was broadly admired, it never really took hold. President Lincoln, in his first inaugural address, appealed to “the better angels of our nature”by the secessionist states in 1861 and by the radical Republicans who controlled the Congress in 1865.  I guess that has always been a hard sell.

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Attending the Inauguration

Spoiler alert: I’m not going to attend. Of course, I wasn’t invited. But my Congressman, Earl Blumenauer of the 3rd Congressional District of Oregon, isn’t going to attend either and he actually was invited.

The Daily Kos said today that the count of Democratic Representatives pointedly staying away from the swearing in of our new President has reached sixty. It seems to me that they are responding to the wrong cues and choosing the wrong actions.

And it’s not because I am unsympathetic to their point. They think that Donald Trump exemplifies the very worst elements of our political process. I agree. They think that Trump is very poorly qualified to be President and that he is a blusterer, a bully, and and liar. I agree. You can say nearly anything bad you want to about the man and find a ready listener in me.

OK, now let’s start the discussion at a different place. Do you agree, or do you not, that in these highly partisan times, we need institutions, symbols, and ceremonies that will allow us just to be Americans for an afternoon, not Republicans and Democrats and liberals and conservatives? Probably you do agree. [1]

inauguration-2OK, how are we going to have such ceremonies if people say that the ceremony is about the person who is being honored? We will not have them. If the ceremony is about the person rather than the office, then the ceremonies that are supposed to celebrate our unity as Americans and the peaceful transfer of power from one party to another, will have no power at all. Everything is politics—the pursuit of power. Nothing is government—things like providing for a common defense and protecting domestic tranquility.

I think the congressmen know this. Look at the way these two wiggle like a worm on a hook. Rep. Joaquin Castro, representing the 20th Congressional District of Texas, put it this way. [2]

“Every American should respect the office of the presidency and the fact that Donald inauguration-3Trump will be the 45th President of the United States. But winning an election does not mean a man can show contempt for millions of Americans and then expect those very people to celebrate him.

Notice the prominent “but.” Castro thinks every American should respect the office, but the man himself is unworthy. So what does he propose to do to respect the office?

Rep. Grace Meng of the 3rd Congressional District of New York, has the same problem. She says:

I respect the office of the President and our nation’s peaceful transfer of power.But the President-elect must get the message that his antagonistic and divisive comments are unacceptable. We cannot tolerate attacks on women, minorities or a civil rights icon.

inauguration-4It takes her a little longer to get to the “but;” still, when she gets there, she wiggles the same way Rep. Castro did. I respect the office. Good. I respect the peaceful transfer of power. Good. But the man who will take the office is a jerk and the man to whom power is transferred is offensive…and therefore we cannot participate in this celebration of peaceful democracy in America.

So…who will honor our ceremonies? Who will actually honor the office? Let’s imagine that New York Governor Andrew Cuomo is elected in 2020. Who should attend the ceremony? Should we really have inaugurations attended only by the partisans of the winning candidate? Would that help us in these fractured times?

I don’t think so. Congressman Castro, Congresswoman Meng, suck it up and go do your job. Lament the man all you want. He is truly lamentable, but honor the office and the process by which it casts its spell on each new incumbent.

I disagree with Castro and Meng but I don’t think they are stupid. Taking highly visible stands on partisan issues will surely help them. Spending their political capital to support the few institutions that represent the nation, will probably hurt them. But it has to be done. Maybe an appeal to good manners would be enough.

The question really can’t be just, “Should we boycott the Republican winner?” You know that if we boycott theirs, they will boycott ours. So the question really is, “Is it vital to have institutions that represent the nation and not just the parties? I think it is. Everyone thinks it is.  Some parts of the inauguration process are, by the way, fully bipartisan.  Here are a few.

inauguration-day-1I think that President Trump’s actions, proposed and executed, should be opposed by everything we have. He is going to want to cozy up to Russia with predictable consequences for Germany and France. Make him pay. He is going to want to gut the health protections President Obama put in place and that the Supreme Court declared to be constitutional. Make him pay. He is going to continue to engage in business practices that are wholly out of line with the office of the President. Make him pay. He is responsible for his actions and when he does wrong, he should pay the consequences.

But we are responsible for the presidency, the office itself, and I think it is worth preserving. And if we are to have a president, we must have an inauguration.

[1] Nearly everyone I have talked to agrees when they let me get that far. Are symbols of our unity (not denials of our diversity) especially important right now? Yes, my friends say, they are. But left alone, they don’t get to that question at all.
[2] I almost said that he put it “these ways,” which is true, but a little too cute to put up in the body of the text. Down here, no one will care.

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The Evangelical Playboy

Exit polls show white evangelical voters voted in high numbers for Donald Trump, 80-16 percent, according to exit poll results. That’s the most they have voted for a Republican presidential candidate since 2004, when they overwhelmingly chose President George W. Bush by a margin of 78-21 percent.

So said the Washington Post on November 9.

playboy-1

That’s this guy. This is the choice of the most conservative Christians in America. These are the people responsible for the “abstinence only” curricula in the public schools in, just to pick one example, Texas. [1] That must mean that they think people should abstain from sex apart from marriage. And they voted overwhelmingly for Trump?

One of the standard rants among evangelical Christians includes how awful Hollywood is. Hollywood is perverting our values, is justifying immoral behavior, is—in particular—cheapening the value of marriage and family. How is it, exactly, that Playboy is not an integral part of the “Hollywood values” that Trump exemplifies better than any candidate of either party before him?  Ronald Reagan, by contrast, actually was from Hollywood, but he didn’t advocate or live a “Hollywood-style” life. Trump?  The evangelical choice?  Really?

A lot of evangelicals admitted that they were uncomfortable with “some aspects of Trump’s past.” They dealt with that in different ways. Some preached forgiveness, citing some crucial admonitions, complete with the bible verses that establish them.  But these admonitions, as general as they were, ought to have applied to Hillary as well.  For some reason, they did not.

Some relegated his obnoxious behavior [2] to his past—ignoring the fact that he continued to flaunt it in the present—or made it into a bad habit, like Uncle Irving, who chews with his mouth open.

I have not yet understood why the man himself was not a deal-breaker for conservative Christians. Apart from the politics with which the evangelicals have now saddled themselves, there is the question of their own ministry. There are a lot of radio and television evangelists among the conservative right. What will they do now with their sermons on the worldly lifestyle? Will they look right into the camera and wave their bibles and warn against “the sins of the flesh,” the sins on which President-elect Trump has built his empire?

When Jefferson wrote to the Baptist pastors about the “wall of separation” between religion and government, he believed that it would be bad for government, but disastrous for religion. [3] I think we are about to see if he was right.

[1] One of the best moments in Michael Moore’s otherwise sober film Where to Invade Next shows Texas Governor Rick Perry responding to a reporter who is pushing him on the very high rate of out of wedlock births in Texas. The reporter wondered how Gov. Perry could continue to support an “abstinence only” curriculum when its record was so dismal. Perry’s response was that abstinence works. He know that, he said, from personal experience.
[2] That’s not an editorial on my part. It was obnoxious to them, too.
[3] Letter to the Danbury Baptists, January 1, 1802

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A “Resolution” in the new year

That really ought to be the same as “new year’s resolution,” shouldn’t it? But the meaning of “new year’s resolution” turns out to be every bit as puzzling as why we make them and why we, mostly, fail to keep them.

It occurred to me this year that I could come at the whole process from the other side. resolution-5Let’s look at what the word itself—as opposed to our use of it—would like to be or what it would like to do. It’s a little like agreeing to recognize gravity or inertia. I wouldn’t want to go so far as to say that the word’s intentions have been frustrating our intentions. There are quite a few things wrong with that formulation. [1] But I do want to start with the word.

Note: I am going to put words in bold when I mean to refer to the word itself, rather than to the meaning of the word, and in italics if it is a precursor of an English word.  I know that “precursor” sounds ethnocentric, but all my readers will read this in English.

I want to start with the Greek verb, luein, “to loosen.” I’m going to step away slowly, with my hands always in plain sight. No need to panic. The Latin version of luein is luere, also “to loose.” [2] We see it in soluere, “to detach, set loose, or free” and we get there very easily by adding se- to the root. That is what they call a privative, meaning that it is a prefix that marks the absence of something or the distortion of something. [3] This gets us as far as the Middle Latin solvere, which is as close to solve as we need to get in order to appreciate resolve.

Resolve, as we all know, does not mean “to solve again.” The function of the prefix re- is “again” sometimes (repeat) but it is often an intensive, where it means “really, really,” and that is what it means here.

Obviously, when we have gotten as far as resolve, the verb, we are at the threshold of resolution, the noun, which is the form we use for a “new year’s resolution.”

Resolution is the noun form of the verb resolve. When I “resolve” something, I have “made a resolution.” One of the meanings the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) gives is:

IV. To determine or fix upon a course of action.
26.
a. trans. To determine or decide upon (a course of action, something to be achieved or brought about, etc.); to make (something) one’s firm intention.

An early example of this meaning can be seen in Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus.

1594   Shakespeare Titus Andronicus ii. i. 106   So must you resolue, That..You must perforce accomplish as you may.

A later, and more familiar, example comes from Abraham Lincoln:

That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain.

So a resolution is a “resolving-ness” of a sort. An earlier English would have offered us “a new year’s resolve” and even today, people would likely understand what you meant by that expression. But we now know—this is the main argument of the essay down to this point—that the word wants to mean “a loosening of something.”

We may be able to see “solve a problem” as a sort of bridge usage. The meaning of “solve” in the problem usage and of “solve” in the untying of something are close enough that we can see that they could both mean the same thing. You could “untie” a problem in the sense of “loosening” a knot.

I call that usage a bridge because it connects the early “to release something from its bonds” meaning and the later meaning.  This is the OED again:

to solve (a problem) (1564; 1690 with specific reference to a mathematical problem, 1765 with specific reference to an equation),

January 1, 2017

So it’s a bright Sunday morning and I want to “make some resolutions.” This year, because I have given some thought to what the word “resolution” really wants to be, I am led to think about things that I should untie, things I should “undo” in the way I undo the knot in my shoelaces.

resolution-2These are not things I am going to decide to do, as if they were foreign countries I had not yet invaded or competitors I had not yet eliminated. These are not decisions that I have been struggling with—a di-lemma is a common kind of struggle [4]—what with the two lemmas to deal with.

  • Imagine a woman who is trying to decide whether to continue to be married to her husband or whether to deal with “the bonds of marriage” by loosening them.
  • Imagine a man who has gotten himself involved in overlapping and incompatible committee assignments and who has decided to “un-tie” that knot by a resolution of it.
  • Imagine a caregiver who has both a child who needs special care [5] and whose elderly mother also needs special care. She has been unwilling or unable to engage other members of the family in providing the needed care and also unwilling or unable to share the duties with trained professionals. This knot is tied so tight that sometimes it feels to her as if it is tied around her neck. I say the new year is a great time for un-tying.

The word resolution, based as it is—fundamentally, but distantly, on the Greek verb luein, “to loosen”—has a natural tendency to suggest meanings of untying; of un-doing, rather than more doing. We should treat this word like a horse that knows where the barn is, even if we do not, and just give it it’s head. That will require a little loosening of the reins, of course, but what could be more appropriate?

[1] You always roll the dice a little when you attribute agency to something that cannot resolution-4intend anything and then act on that intention. On the other hand, sometimes it is the easiest way to say something and if you stay vigilant, it doesn’t do any harm. Take Dawkins’ The Selfish Gene, for instance. Dawkins does not think that genes “intend;” his contention is that imagining that they do helps us make sense of the pattern of their actions.
[2] If you were thinking of a Toulouse-Lautrec joke, this would be the place for it. It’s not a joke I would want to make, myself.
[3] I think my favorite example is the se- in seduce. The -duce part just means “to lead.” The privative se- here means, “away” or, commonly “astray.”
[4] A lemma is a proposition proved or just assumed to be true. Having two irreconcilable lemmas is a dilemma.
[5] What child doesn’t need special care? Still, you know what I mean.

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Don’t Become the Issue

This is an essay directed at my fellow liberals. We can, in the coming months, shift the attention of deeply conflicted Trump voters, from President Trump’s behavior to ours. We can turn them into Trump supporters (not just protest voters) if we fix their attention on our responses rather than the actions and statements of the new president.

Doing what comes naturally

That would be a really stupid thing to do, but we’re probably going to do it. Donald Trump is a pathological liar. [1] He is going to continue to say outrageous things and take rash and thoughtless actions. He is going to make a lot of Trump voters wish they had not voted for him and he is going to do it very quickly.

At that point, these Trump voters—not yet Trump supporters—are going to have really bad feelings about their chtrump-1ampion. So far as it is possible, they are going to deny that he really did what all the papers say he did. Failing that, they are going to say that it was an understandable mistake by a new president or that it was well-intentioned by the president but mishandled by his supporters. They are going to say that huge errors are mere foibles.

None of those things are going to work for them for long. When all those defense mechanisms fail, they are going to have to face the fact that they have elected an idiot (a private person) to public office and that it was a mistake. I say “they are going to have to,” but what I really mean is that they are going to have to unless we rescue them.

We can rescue them—and probably will—be turning their attention from the actions of the Trump administration to ourselves. We can make our response to Trump the compelling story. We can be vindictive. We can dismiss Trump voters in a block as “haters” and “racists.” We can act like condescending snobs. We can make ourselves into the story that matters most to them.

And if we do that, they will respond by doing whatever it takes to hit back at us. We are now the story that matters to them. Whatever irks us is “good public policy.” Anything that makes us angry is “the return of values to public life.” The systematic devastation of long-term relationships with our allies is “bold new approaches to foreign policy.”
Please note, in this difficulty I am setting up, that they don’t need to believe any of these things. They just need to calculate what will feel like a slap in the face to people like us and do that. We are now the feedback loop. They aren’t paying any attention to Trump at all any more except to gather enough “facts” to justify his behavior.

In this process, we will have turned a lot of Americans who were deeply divided about their decision to vote for Trump into actual supporters and defenders of Trump. I think that is the wrong thing to do. I think we can do better. [2]

Doing Better

At the risk of making my proposal sound like a therapy session, let me begin by noting that many counselors find it useful to begin with the presupposition that the client is doing as well as he can. The counselor doesn’t blame the client for doing what he has been doing. She just establishes that he doesn’t really want the life that his choices are producing and then she provides him with new ideas and new actions and new feelings to try out. “These will work better,” she says, “but you will need to practice them and you will need to be patient.”

trump-2I am not proposing that these conflicted Trump voters need therapy. I am saying that way down inside their resentments and angers, there are values that are not all that different from ours. If we can find a way to engage those values, we can find a way to affirm them together.

In this article, Wes Jackson rages at the credulity of the farmers of Salina, Kansas in refusing to believe in global warming. [3] He sounds like I want to sound. But his daughter-in-law, Nancy Jackson, sounds the way I am proposing that we all sound. She says this:

 Why does it have to be about climate change? Why not identify issues that motivate them instead of getting stuck on something that does not?

Nancy Jackson is my hero. And if I recall the article correctly (you can check it out and be sure), she got amazing program results that no one else had gotten and I have no trouble believing that at all.

I am not trying to urge my fellow liberals to do what Nancy Jackson has done. It’s too hard. I am only asking that we refuse to get in the road of the reconsideration that events will force on Trump voters, unless we bail them out. We can make “how unfair we are to President Trump” the story that matters to them. We can make our disdain for them—and their current champion—into the story that matters. Or, we can give them a chance to back away gracefully and if we do that, I think many will back away.

trump-3By our generosity, we would be saying that in voting for Trump, they were doing the best they could do. But now that the daily outrages and embarrassments (that resulted from their choice) are too hard to swallow, we can begin to work at finding common values and begin to treat them as potential allies.  No one, for instance, really prefers decaying highways and bridges to safe ones.

In closing, let me just say that we are not obligated to do this. An outrage has been perpetrated on our nation and a lot of poor and angry white people have smacked us in the mouth. We are perfectly within our rights to shove their noses in the mess Trump will make and yell, “See! See what you did!” And that would feel really good.

But it won’t do anything good for America and I think we can do better.

[1] And by using a term that was once truly a medical term, I want to call attention to the pathology. “Pathological” has come to mean “really, really” as if it were just an intensive adjective. That’s not what I am talking about. I think that the man’s awareness of the facts is thin and paltry and that it is often overcome by his commitment to having the effect he wants. He will say the things that get him the effect he is looking for with no awareness at the moment that the “facts” he is citing are generated on the spot. I call that a pathology, although I don’t have a clinical name for it, and that is why I referred to our future president as a pathological liar.
[2] By “we,” I am referring to liberal/progressive citizens. I am not referring to the officeholders we chose to represent us. I think they should respond to the anticipated evil deeds of the Trump administration with “an eye for and eye and a tooth for a tooth.” I think they should be vindictive and effective. That’s their job. It is not our job.
[3] This comes from an essay I posted on October 20, 2010. I called it “Want to save the world? Get out of the way.”

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Hillary and “the women’s vote” in Pennsylvania

Emily Bazelon, who is as consistently feminist as any writer I know, wrote a piece for the New York Times that must have discouraged her deeply. It was published on November 15 and you can see it all here.  She is being grilled by Stephen Colbert in the picture.

hillary-3The part I have excerpted does not deal with the whole topic that the headline writers thought worthy—“college educated white women.” It deals with Palma Frable of Moscow, Pennsylvania and her daughters, Abigail and Lauren.

In this essay, I am going to pick seven reasons for the Frables’ choice and reflect on them. I recommend the article very highly and you may have your own reflections to share. I will put the quotations from the article in quote blocksand the West Wing dialogue in italics.

1. Trump promises improvements in the future

Clinton also lost white women by three crucial points in Pennsylvania. The Frables help explain why. The three women are college-educated or college-bound, and they voted for Trump not because they feel left behind but to improve economic opportunity, as they see it.

Of course, Clinton promised to improve economic opportunity too. The Frables believed Trump, but they did not believe Clinton. Why? My guess would be that the Clinton/Kaine proposals sounded very much like “more of the same.” Trump’s proposals sounded like a whole new approach. He made contradictory proposals, of course, which Clinton did not, but all of the proposals were “try a new approach” in their style. The Frables are not down and out, but they would like more opportunity rather than what we have now.

2. Not the bankruptcies but the recoveries

Trump’s business record — the fact that he bounced back despite the ups and the downs — initially attracted Frable and her daughters.

Nearly everyone I know focused on all the Trump failures and, in addition to that, on his characteristic way of making other people pay for those failures. That isn’t what attracted the Frables. They were impressed by how he kept bouncing back. His failures didn’t seem to daunt him. I imagine they could picture him as an entrepreneurial president, trying new things and bouncing back from his failures.

He seemed resilient, I guess. Hillary merely endured; Trump bounced back.

3. Not Gloria Steinem feminism, but “lipstick feminism”

Frable also admires Ivanka Trump and felt she was one of the campaign’s “top three assets.” She sees Ivanka as a role model for Abigail in her own entrepreneurial interests. It’s not Hillary’s “Gloria Steinem feminism,” as Frable put it, that she values. It’s Ivanka’s sleek version of female success, which commentators have labeled “commodity feminism” — branding to sell products.

When I got to the expression “sleek version of female success,” my mind went immediately to the best treatment of this contrast I have seen. It appeared on a West Wing (Season 3, episode 14) episode called “Night Five,” right in the middle of Season 3. Here’s what you need to know about this exchange.

Celia is a temporary worker in the White House. She represents “the old feminism” in this piece. Ainsley Hayes is an attorney working in the White House. She is beautiful, aggressive, and smart—oh, and Republican. She represents “the new feminism.”

hillary-2Sam had said to Ainsley, when she showed up in the dress she had been wearing to the opera before she was called back to work that night, that she was “enough to make a good dog break his leash.” Celia was offended and accused Sam of being a sexist. This dialogue follows.  Here is Emily Procter in her role as Ainsley.

AINSLEY
This [getting the treaty right] is important.

SAM
Yeah, I also think it’s important to make clear I am not a sexist.

AINSLEY
You’re Celia?

CELIA
[looking up] Yes.

AINSLEY
He’s not a sexist.

She turns back to Sam to continue the argument.

CELIA
If you’re willing to let your sexuality diminish your power.

AINSLEY
I’m sorry?

CELIA
I said, I’m surprised you’re willing to let you sexuality diminish your power.

Ainsley Hayes
CELIA
If you’re willing to let your sexuality diminish your power.

AINSLEY
I’m sorry?

CELIA
I said, I’m surprised you’re willing to let you sexuality diminish your power.

AINSLEY
I don’t even know what that means.

CELIA
I think you do.

AINSLEY
And I think you think I’m made out of candy glass, Celia. If somebody says something that offends you, tell them, but all women don’t have to think alike.

CELIA
I didn’t say they did, and when somebody said something that offended me, I did say so.

AINSLEY
I like it when the guys tease me. It’s an inadvertent show of respect that I’m on the team and I don’t mind it when it gets sexual. And you know why? I like sex. I don’t think that whatever sexuality I may have diminishes my power. I think it enhances it.

CELIA
And what kind of feminism do you call that?

AINSLEY
My kind.

GINGER
[from over her shoulder] It’s called Lipstick Feminism. I call it Stiletto Feminism.

hillary-1My excuse for including this patch of West Wing dialogue is that Ainsley Hayes, the Republican on the show, claims the right to define “feminism” the way she wants it defined, where Celia, the temp worker, is stuck on the old definition. The contrast between the two views is precisely what Emily Bazelon is trying to make clear in his article.  The redhead is Kim Webster as (what else?) Ginger.

4. No history of gender discrimination

“I’ve been paid the same as men, I’ve managed men,” Frable said. “I’ve not had any trouble working with men.”

For Trump supporters that I talked to, college education didn’t seem to lead to support for the liberal women’s movement.

Palma’s experience at the workplace—which could be represented as the crowning achievement of “the old feminism”—is not experienced in gender terms at all. If you think of Hillary as an exemplar of the feminism that brought all these wonderful conditions to Palma Frable, then she is an exemplar of “some old historical movement.”

5. Christian and anti-abortion

Frable and her daughters oppose abortion as Christians. Other women called themselves pro-choice but backed Trump because they didn’t think he really opposed abortion or thought the law in states like theirs wouldn’t change even if he chose future Supreme Court justices with an eye to overturning Roe v. Wade.

This is a classic of Trump’s style. If you take all sides of an issue, as Trump has, then supporters who really want to vote for him can cite one statement or the other as their excuse. The Frables are anti-abortion as is Trump. The pro-choice women who voted for Trump heard the anti-abortion rhetoric, but didn’t think he was serious about it.

6. Feminism and the attitude toward women

All of this [Trump’s wish list] matters far more to her than anything Trump said about women or was accused of doing to them. Anyway, given Bill Clinton’s history, how can Hillary complain?

“I have disrespect for Hillary for not doing more for herself, not standing up for herself with him,” Frable said. “That’s more damaging than goofball words Trump came up with.”

This is a dramatic reversal of values. Frable disapproves of Hillary on essentially feminist grounds. She tolerated Bill Clinton’s sexual flaws when he was President and she was First Lady (that’s POTUS and FLOTUS in West Wing language) and she should not have. Just as Frable has stood up for herself in the workplace, Hillary should have stood up for herself in the White House. I suppose that means that Frable would have liked to have seen Hillary publicly condemn Bill’s behavior.

In doing what she did, Hillary seems to have lost both the “stand by your man” vote and also the “don’t be the enabling wife” vote. Politicians are accustomed to being required to “split the difference,” but it does seem odd for Hillary to lose on both sides of the argument.

7. What was the election about? Not gender or race, but about “elitism.”

Frable has close friends and clients who are ardent Hillary supporters, but she discounts the despairing social-media posts she has seen about women who didn’t support Clinton’s historic candidacy.

She thinks the election wasn’t about gender or race. It was a victory of “Middle America.” Clinton, she said, “is more the white elitist than Trump. She’s the one who had elitist celebrities stumping for her.”

This is likely an “anti-Hollywood” complaint. It is true that lots of elite CEOs and financiers campaigned for Hillary, but so did a lot of celebrities, people who represent the lifestyle the Frables oppose. Trump, by contrast, represented himself as the lone voice of truth and therefore “not really an elitist.”

Those seven points capture Emily Bazelon’s view of why Clinton lost the women’s vote in Pennsylvania, a key state in a very competitive election. This strikes me as a very telling account and I see Bazelon’s professional judgment all over it. She’s really good.

On the other hand, I am quite sure she deplores the kinds of reasons the Frable’s cite and I’d be willing to guess that she is wondering in which direction the future of feminism will take in the politics of the Democratic party.

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It’s our story and I’m sticking to it.

Everybody knows the line, “That’s my story and I’m sticking to it.” I discovered today that it comes from a Saturday Night Live regular I had never heard of—Kevin Quinn. I haven’t messed with it much in producing the title for today, but as you will see, the one minor alternation is crucial.

To introduce it, let me introduce a line from Dellarobia Turnbow, the protagonist of Barbara Kingsolver’s marvelous novel, Flight Behavior. Ovid Byron, a lepidopterist is visiting Tennessee to try to find out why the Monarch butterflies decided to winter there this year. While he is there, he discovers the whole culture of science denial and it puzzles him. He wonders why people cluster around beliefs that can be shown to be false.

Here is what Dellarobia says in return. “I’d say the teams get picked, and then the beliefs get handed around,” [1]

story-4Ominous, isn’t it? But it is the reason I changed Kevin Quinn’s sign-off line from “my story” to “our story.” If there is an “our story” and if joining with others in the community to support it is the way people can tell whether you are “one of us,” then joining in is crucially important. Being right about the changes in butterfly migration and the reasons for it, is not crucially important.

Here’s what I want to tell you today. In the last month, I have read two very good studies of Tea Party voters. Both scholars say that it isn’t how they vote that defines them. It is who they are as a community and how they see the world that defines them. The vote for Tea Party candidates or even for Donald Trump is just an artifact of their identity.

The first book is called Strangers in their Own Land: Anger and mourning on the American Right. It is by Berkeley sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild, who has been a favorite of mine ever since The Managed Heart: the Commercialization of Human Feeling, was first published in 1983. The second is The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness in Wisconsin and the Rise of Scott Walker. [2] It is by Katharine J. Cramer and was researched the same way Hochchild’s book was: you go out and meet people unlike yourself and sit down and talk with them many many times. Then you write a book about as much of their lives as you were able to grasp, holding your personal empathy in one hand and your conceptual categories in the other. [3]

Hochschild studied people in Louisiana; Cramer in Wisconsin. They came, very carefully story-3and professionally to the same conclusion. But I found that same conclusion, much more graphically expressed in Kingsolver’s Flight Behavior. Had Hochschild and Cramer studied Dellarobia Turnbow, they would have come to exactly the same conclusion each reached about the groups they studied.

That conclusion is this: the membership in the group and the shared consciousness it generates are crucially important. The views you express are just a way of saying out loud “who we are.” Or, as Dellarobia puts it, “the teams (communities) get picked first, and then the beliefs get handed around.” Your prior commitment is to the people and their worldview and given that, you accept whatever beliefs go with it.

Please note that nothing is this way of making decisions requires that the beliefs are plausible from a factual standpoint. But because of what determines these view, the facts supporting them just don’t come up. Here’s an example that caught my imagination. Dellarobia and her husband, Cub, are discussion the influx of butterflies, followed very shortly by the influx of scientists studying butterflies.

Dellarobia: Dr. Byron says it’s due to climate change.

Cub: “What’s that?”
She hesitated, [then]

Dellarobia: “Global warming.”

Cub snorted. He kicked up a cloud of dusty frost. “Al Gore can come toast his buns on this.” It was Johnny Midgeon’s [local talk show host, very conservative] line on the radio, every time a winter storm came through.

There are a few important things to note here. The first is that Dellarobia cites Dr. Byron, who cites thousands of world-class scientists. Cub responds by reverting to a favorite boogeyman, Al Gore, and accepting the fact that there is frost on the ground as a refutation of the global warming, to which Al Gore insistently pointed.

story-2Two further things. There is a resentment of Al Gore the person in this remark. Gore is invited to “toast his buns” on the frost. Not a very dignified reference, surely, to a man who lost the presidency by one vote. Even “toast his toes” is not so demeaning. And all such expressions are beside the point anyway, unless the point is to derogate Gore.

And finally, the author notes, on Dellarobia’s behalf, that the line came from Johnny Midgeon a conservative local talk show host. So apart from what the line says, just citing Midgeon, who is “one of us” is a way for Cub to belong to the group. Cub doesn’t even have to know what Midgeon’s line means, although in this case, he probably does. Just citing the line, which expresses contempt for a well-known popularizer of the global warming hypothesis, is enough to establish membership.

Now take a man like Cub Turnbow and put him in a political setting. Cub wouldn’t hear these particular speeches because they are from candidates in Louisiana, but he would hear appeals to membership just like these.

Congressman Boustany: “We’ve been through hurricanes together. We’ve been through a moratorium on oil drilling that hurt jobs. We’ve been through a financial and economic crisis.”

Congressman Landry: “If it ain’t good for y’ll, I ain’t voting for it.” You can take a high school graduate—and I know some people that didn’t even finish high schools…work that tail off in the oil and gas industry and make better money than most people make anywhere else in this country. I’m tired of government being in my business. When I was struggling and needed help, I never went straight to the government…The answers to [our] problems are right here in places just like [the town of] Rayne.

Those are real life examples. In one of the poorest and sickest parts of one of the poorest and sickest states in the U. S., the appeals are to “some people that didn’t even finish high school” who are making good money; they are to anti-government feelings; they are to “neighbors helping neighbors,” which is always a good idea, but here it means accepting federal money and refusing federal regulation.

And, to return to Kingsolver’s fictional world, as a way to close off this argument, Ovid Byron’s wife, Juliet, puts it this way.

“The key thing is…once you’re talking identity, you can’t just lecture that out of people. The condescension of outsiders won’t diminish it. That just galvanizes it.”

And she’s absolutely right. Once political views like these “get to identity”—and that is the central message of both Hochschild’s book on Louisiana and Cramer’s book on Wisconsin, “the condescension of outsiders” is just more fuel on the fire.

The obvious solution would have been not to let it “get to a matter of identity.” We didn’t do that. The next step would be to remove political calculation from being no more than a reflection of community prejudices. Democracy requires that the performance of the government be evaluated so that the winners can be returned to office and the losers turned out of office. In standard democratic thought, that is what elections are for.

“Once you’re talking identity” undercuts all that. And that means it undercuts elections that are based on performance or even on promises of performance. It leaves us with nothing more than us v. them.

OK, I’m discouraged now.

[1] She describes her own team, the team her husband, Cub, belongs to this way. “Team camo, we get the right to bear arms and John Deere and the canning jars and tough love and care of our own.”
[2] There is another book called the Politics of Resentment, I learned today. This one is by Jeremy Engels and has the subtitle “A Genealogy.” It was written following the shooting of Congresswoman Gabrielle Gifford and 19 other Arizonans in 2011.
[3] I’ve done that kind of research. It isn’t easy. And the more clearly you know how to understand the experience, the less sure you that you really heard those people and their story.

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Madison v. Plato

From the outside, you enter the rotunda of the Capitol in Salem, Oregon from the north. As you stand there, you face the information kiosk, where I have seldom failed to get the information I needed—including current gossip when I was a regular at the Capitol. But if you raise your sights just a little, you find this quote incised into the marble over the entryway.

IMG_0459 (1).jpg

I was told, when I was a legislative newbie, [1] that all the quotations on the Capitol building itself were from Plato. That may be true. About this one, the closest I have come to knowing for sure is a footnote saying that this quotation “is said to be from Plato’s Republic.” And maybe it is.

For the purposes of imagining a conversation between the author of this quotation and James Madison, I am just going to refer to him or her as Plato. Here’s how that conversation would go.

Plato: The character of the people directly determines the nature of the state.

Madison: Actually, it does not. The size and organization of the state mediates between the two. Really, that is our only reason for hope.

That’s how I hear the argument. It has been hard for me, over the years I have walked under that quotation and often stopped to read it, to focus on what it actually means. I am so very much in love with the language! Who talks like that anymore?

  • confident in their liberties
  • lovers of “doing the right thing” [2]
  • clean in justice
  • bold in freedom

But today, I am trying to get past how beautiful the language is and to notice that it says that the state—Plato was thinking of a city-state—will have the characteristics of its citizens. The Framers of our Constitution didn’t really disdain good character. In their minds, they filled up the national government with people who had such character. Madison calls them representatives “whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations. “  Madison was a hopeful man in some ways.  On the other hand, in this description, he was trying to sell the Constitution to a skeptical New York audience.

Again, language so beautiful that you have to exercise some discipline just to attend to what it means.

But as beautiful as this account is, the Framers didn’t really count on character either. They counted on the system they built to buffer the bad character of the faction-ridden citizens and so ensure the stability and freedom of the system as a whole.

Plato says that if the citizens are good, the state will be good. Madison says that the citizens are not good and that is what the state is for. Here is a small clipping from The Federalist Papers #51: “If men were angels, no government would be necessary.”

Does that look like a fundamental disagreement to you? It does to me.

Portrait of James MadisonSo the Framers put their hopes elsewhere. They put their hopes in the architecture of the system. I have said it this way sometimes [3]. “The Framers no more believed in the goodness of citizens than Newton believed in the goodness of planets. Newton’s idea was that if the planets were of a certain size and density and velocity and a certain distance from each other, they would just keep doing what they are doing and no “intervention” would be necessary. That’s what the Framers thought about federalism, the separation of powers, and checks and balances.”

Actually, it was a longer lecture than that, but you get the idea.

Do you see an intentional “system” in the division of powers between the central government and the states? I do. And the 2-year, 4-year, and 6-year terms of representatives, presidents, and senators respectively? I do. And the careful distance maintained between one part of an action—declaring war, for instance which the President asks for and which Congress either does or doesn’t grant—from another? I do.

For Madison, pace [4] Plato, it wasn’t a matter of the character of individuals. It was a matter of the nature of civil society. Consider this imposing list from The Federalist #10:

Here’s how Madison sees it.

The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society.

A zeal for different opinions

  • concerning religion,
  • concerning government…
  • an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power;

These latter two have, according to Madison: “enflamed them with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good.”

Does anything sound familiar yet? But wait, there is more. Madison continues:

So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts.

This is what civil society is like according to Madison. This is “the nature of man” as it is played out in society. So it can’t be prevented. In fact, trying to prevent it would only result in a suppression of liberties, about which Madison says (still from #10) “It could never be more truly said of [this remedy]… that it was worse than the disease.”

And if it can’t be prevented it must be mitigated as well as social and political architecture can manage it. And that is, the authors of the Federalist Papers wrote in a series of editorials signed “Publius,” what we truly have in the proposed Constitution.

They despaired at the outset of the connection that attracted Plato, that good citizensplato-2 could produce a good state. They despaired also of forcing people to act as if they were good citizens, as if their own interests did not matter more to them than the welfare of the state. They settled on a system that would allow them to be as bad as they actually were, hoping that the long and torturous maze that confronted them would tire them out before they took over the government.

I think that is a lovely idea. It’s worked pretty well so far.

[1] I began my legislative years as a legislative assistant in 1983.
[2] If I could find the quotation, I could find it in Greek and find out if the word “righteousness” is dikaiosyne, as I suspect and which I have represented in my paraphrase.
[3] Many times, actually. This was part of my lecture on the structure of American government so 2500 students at Portland State, the only institution for which I have a careful count, certainly got this lecture.
[4] Latin reference common in some circles. It means “with peace toward…” whoever is named. Plato in this formulation. Some journals use  (against) in the same way as an indication of disagreement with the named scholar, but I like this one better.

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Mug Shots

You may not have noticed that there is a conflict of major proportions going on in this country. Very nearly anything can be turned into a weapon. If you are young, you will be surprised.

If you are not young, you might remember what happened during World War II, where every product you can imagine was tied in some way to “the war effort,” and was something you should buy because it expressed your support for “our boys overseas.” If you can find a Life magazine from the 1940’s, I recommend that you leaf through it slowly, looking only at the ads.

We are not at that level of conflict with each other yet [1] but taking a shot at your neighbor’s views [2] by means of lawn signs is pretty old hat. How there are bumper stickers, and banners, and tee shorts. And now, coffee mugs. You can take the next shot at your neighbor, if you like, with just the right mug.

I have, as Tom Lehrer says, in introducing his song The Vatican Rag, “a modest example here.” This one is called the “disappearing civil liberties” mug. It is marvelous! [3] You can tell a lot just by looking at this picture.

 

mug-1
However, I recommend that you travel over to http://www.philosophersguild.com and look at their whole collection. They aren’t mostly political, but they are mostly snarky and I enjoyed browsing the collection.

So let’s pay a little attention to this particular mug. It says, “disappearing civil liberties” but that doesn’t refer to all ten amendments in the Bill of Rights. Just to some. And just to parts of some. It’s pretty sophisticated, really. I’ve seen final exams that weren’t as sophisticated as this. Here is a sample question that you could derive from the mug: Which clause of the 5th Amendment does NOT disappear? What political philosophy does that suggest? How? * [4]

Now I call that a good question.

I have no idea how the makers of this mug manage the thermodynamics, but the fact is that when you pour hot liquid into the mug, some of the letters fade away and other do not. In fact, I suspect—further tests will confirm or deny—that some clauses disappear almost instantly, while others that will disappear in time, do so more slowly. That’s how it seems to me. Further research will be undertaken.

But here are some examples of the differentially vulnerable “rights.” The Second Amendment, which is currently being construed as an unconditional right to bear arms, doesn’t disappear at all. It is as glossy and black when you finish your hot coffee as it was when you poured the coffee in.*

No visible change affects the 10th Amendment either. Given our political history, I find it hard to think of the 10th Amendment as a part of “our civil liberties.” but that’s how it was thought of in December of 1791 when the ten were ratified. It holds that powers not explicitly granted to the national government are retained by the states.*

Liberals have loved “the fifth amendment” for years. But casual references to “the fifth” nearly always mean the freedom from self-incrimination. Actually, not all of the Fifth Amendment disappears. The last clause, which reads “nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation,”* doesn’t fade at all. In fact, given that ALL of the rest of the amendment does fade, this little remnant looks bolder than ever.

Conversely, nearly all the Seventh Amendment survives intact. Nearly all. The right to a jury trial fades entirely away, but the rest of the amendment stays black on white.*

You get the idea. This mug is good for holding the hot coffee you pour into it. Under the right circumstances, it is good for holding forth on political philosophy. Under the wrong circumstances, it is just a mug shot.

Just go the the site and get one of these. They are truly witty and any knowledgeable liberal will find it funny as well. And if, by any chance, you teach a course in constitutional law [5] it would make a truly memorable final exam.

[1] An older person who hears the word “red” as a fearsome thing, things the reference is the communism. A younger person knows it is a reference to Kansas.
[2] If he is your neighbor in the geographical, as opposed to the spiritual sense, he probably doesn’t have opposite views. More and more we are living in single-ideology ghettoes.
[3] Sincere thanks to my stepdaughter, Kathy Humphries, who gave me this mug as a Christmas present. It livened every party I went to all day.
[4] To save us all a lot of time, I hereby adopt the asterisk (*) as shorthand for: NOTE TO CON LAW STUDENTS—WHAT JURIDICAL INTERPRETATION DOES THIS SUGGEST?
[5] David Johns, I hope you are reading this. The political science division at Portland State University would benefit from your using this mug as a final exam.

 

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